Mr. Prince stumbled in his explanation of his companies. Mr. Prince’s lawyer contradicted him when Mr. Prince said he was the owner of Bridgeporth, a British survey company the U.N. investigators said was used to provide cover for Mr. Prince’s military ventures. nytimes.com
The Reurn of Erik Prince: Trump’s Knight in America’s New Crusade?
THE RETURN OF ERIK PRINCE TRUMP’S KNIGHT IN AMERICA’S NEW CRUSADE? oaklandinstitute.org
On January 20, 2017, Donald J. Trump assumed office as America’s 45th president. His political platform based on bigotry, xenophobia, and contempt for immigrants and other minority groups, along with his projected image as a Washington outsider who will “drain the DC swamp,” landed him in the White House.
Trump’s Presidential cabinet has, however, already overturned his campaign pledge to “reduce the corrupting influence of special interests on our politics.”1
His picks include billionaires Wilbur Ross and Betsy DeVos, ex-Goldman Sachs banker Steve Mnuchin, oil industry-connected Rick Perry, Scott Pruitt,2 and the CEO of ExxonMobil, Rex Tillerson, as the Secretary of State.3 Selection of Tillerson consolidated a resolutely pro-oil cabinet, and was reportedly pushed by personalities connected to the George W. Bush administration and to Exxon, including Dick Cheney, Condoleezza Rice, and James Baker III.4
While the centerpiece of Trump’s foreign policy is the annihilation of ISIS,5 he has been candid about eyeing the Middle Eastern oil reserves. oaklandinstitute.org ....
Erik Prince as a Private Security Contractor for the US Government? -page 6
Prince has spent most of his post-Blackwater years building rapidly deployable logistics, intelligence, and security capacity. His new logistics company, Frontier Services Group (FSG), has outposts in Africa, the Mediterranean region, and will soon be present in Central Asia.77
Before launching FSG, Prince began assembling logistics assets in Africa to back his financial investments within his equity fund FRG. The fund advertised to external investors its ability to “leverage unique relationships and experienced management, as well as existing security and logistics capabilities,”78 allegedly a competitive advantage to access untapped subsoil resources in risky and infrastructure-lacking areas of Africa.
With FRG’s first venture, Prince secured an agreement to build an oil refinery in South Sudan’s Upper Nile State, in the locality of Thiangrial.79 This was a project with heavy logistics and security needs, for which Prince tapped his network of private security connections. A long time colleague, John “JP” Palen, was asked to help coordinate plane transportation for surveys and oil sampling at the site.80 Palen, a former US Air Force pilot, worked at Prince’s Presidential Airways from 2006 to 201081 before being employed at Transerv, an aircraft company linked to Prince’s R2 and PMPF projects.82
In 2012, Palen was involved in the custody and use of a plane, a Pilatus PC6 Porter.83 The plane was then identified with the registration number N181DA, and was registered by a Blackwater affiliate, EP Aviation LLC84 in 2008 before being transferred to Xe Aviation LLC (Xe being Blackwater’s new name in 2009) and finally to TST Humanitarian Surveys,85 a Colorado-based firm owned by Palen.86
The PC6 later served FRG’s transportation and exploration needs in Africa. It was allegedly equipped with aeromagnetic material to conduct airborne surveys with help of technicians from FRG’s portfolio company Bridgeporth.87 Prince further strengthened his logistics capacity through the purchase of the Kenyan aviation company Kijipwa,88 a former flying school business with sufficient air service licenses to offer passenger and freight air services, flying instructions, aircraft mechanics, and more.89
Assisting with the Kijipwa deal and coordination of South Sudan oil surveys was Ric Peregrino,90 a former Director at Blackwater and Greystone91 – the offshore arm of Blackwater92 – who assumed responsibility for security and logistics at FRG.93 Peregrino later joined FSG as the Head of Security,94 along with Palen95 and another former aviation consultant for Transerv and a Blackwater employee, David McPeak.96 Many other private security connections of Prince have navigated between FRG and FSG.97
This roster of former military and security men has allowed Prince to build a unique company, with security elements directly integrated in FSG’s logistics capacity. With FSG listed in the Hong Kong stock exchange in late 2013,98 the firm expanded quickly. In 2014, FSG bought 25 aircrafts for the Kijipwa airstrip100 and purchased another Kenyan aircraft company, Phoenix Aviation.101 The firm later invested in an aircraft company based in Malta.102 FSG also owns a trucking company in the Democratic Republic of Congo103 (formerly a subsidiary of FRG104) and a South African transportation group that provides freight across road, rail, sea, and air.105
Though FSG originally distanced itself from the private security business,106 investigations by The Intercept in 2016 allege that Prince used the firm as a vehicle to broker military services to Libya and other African countries and build illegal war aircrafts.107 According to 2017 news reports, North American pilots employed by Prince are now in Libya to support the UAE’s operations in the country.108 The mercenaries are reported to be using war aircrafts stationed at the Al Khadim’s base – less than a hundred kilometers east of Benghazi – to help the UAE-favored General Khalifa Haftar and his militia, the Libyan National Army (LNA), which backs the House of Representatives regime in Tobruk.109
Recently, Russia started showing support for Haftar too, inviting him to discuss counter-terrorism policies with its Defense Minister.110 Haftar’s anti-Islamist agenda, combined with Prince’s affirmation that “some smart diplomacy” to bring about “a unifying leader” should result in a “quick win for the Trump administration” in Libya, 111 might be enough to convince Trump to support the Russian and UAE-backed leader. This would give Haftar enough leeway to wage a war against the Islamic factions that oppose him,112 a highly beneficial scenario for Prince, who is already supporting military efforts against Libya-based Islamist militias and looking to expand his influence in the country. In January 2017, Prince publically offered his services to European governments to stop the refugee crisis by setting up private contractor-led anti-immigration force on the Southern border of Libya.
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