U.S. and Japanese Officials Split on Seriousness of Economic Crisis [Japan still doesn't get it...]
nytimes.com
September 6, 1998
Related Articles Much Talk About Russia, but the Numbers Shout Japan (Aug. 29) Offstage Choreographer of the Japanese Economy (Aug. 6) Japan's Leader-to-Be Promises Tax and Banking Reforms (July 27)
Forum Join a Discussion on The Financial Crisis in Asia
By DAVID E. SANGER
AN FRANCISCO -- The economic policy leaders of the world's two largest economies, the United States and Japan, spent hours here Friday night talking about the heightened risk of global recession and a further spread of the turmoil that has engulfed Asia, Russia and now Latin America. But they left Saturday morning with no new plans, and an uneasy sense that Japan and the United States remain on different wavelengths about how quickly countries must act.
The discussion over dinner on Nob Hill included Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, and Kiichi Miyazawa, the former prime minister who reluctantly agreed to take the job of finance minister last month during Japan's deepest recession since the end of World War II.
At the dinner's end, American officials said they feared that Japan's leaders still did not accept the premise that Japan's huge banking crisis and its moribund economy were a major cause of the turmoil that included a stomach-churning dive on Wall Street last week, huge market drops and instability in Latin America and deepening chaos in Russia.
The astounding descent of the ruble, which has dropped 63 percent since Aug. 17 and has already begun to create food shortages and tremendous inflation, led the British government on Saturday to announce that a meeting of deputy finance ministers from the world's largest economic powers, the Group of 7, was planned in London, probably this week, to map out a new Russia strategy.
But in a sign of the growing split between Tokyo and Washington, Japanese officials bristled at the mounting American pressure and suggested that they were being made scapegoats for problems that are unrelated to Tokyo's seven years of economic mismanagement.
"How can Japan's recession be responsible for an economic malaise in Latin America or Russia?" asked a senior Japanese official, who insisted on anonymity. "Japan has been overly criticized. My concern is that if anything happens to the U.S. economy, everyone will point to Japan and say it is responsible." [Unbelievable...]
The meeting took place as Rubin and Greenspan, who in ordinary times often outdo each other at understatement, issued warnings that the world economy is in a particularly fragile state.
Only hours before the dinner, Greenspan, in a speech at the University of California at Berkeley, cautioned that "it is just not credible that the United States can remain an oasis of prosperity unaffected by a world that is experiencing greatly increased stress." He appeared to open the door to the possibility that the Federal Reserve might consider a cut in interest rates if more evidence arose that downturns on three continents were beginning to stall the American economy.
Rubin, in a conversation as he flew from Washington to his meeting here, said that "these are clearly extremely difficult times in the world economy and world financial markets."
"This is an unprecedented situation in a host of respects," said the treasury secretary, who experienced several major market drops in his 26 years on Wall Street as a trader and then co-chairman of Goldman, Sachs, the investment banking firm. "The number of countries experiencing difficulties at once is something we have not seen before."
The speed at which hundreds of billions of dollars that flowed into emerging economies in the 1990s have flowed out was also unprecedented. The inflow occurred, Rubin said, because "investors got progressively less rigorous about risk."
Now they see risk everywhere, Rubin and other treasury officials note, and they rarely discriminate between countries with deep problems and countries that are simply fighting off economic contagion. A global credit crunch has resulted, with countries that lived off of huge flows of international investment now unable to obtain it at any price.
"We are in a situation which is indeed a dangerous one, by far not fully rational," said Michel Camdessus, the managing director of the embattled International Monetary Fund, which has been charged by its many critics with exacerbating the crisis it stepped in to abate.
Camdessus, speaking in Washington at the conclusion of a meeting of Latin American finance ministers who had come to plead for relief, said: "The degree of panic going on -- this is, indeed, clearly exacting an excessive and unfair pressure on a large number of countries."
For Camdessus, that is a significant change of tone. In January, he signed an agreement in Indonesia with President Suharto that he declared would restore confidence -- only to see the country dissolve into violence, economic chaos and political upheaval that forced Suharto's resignation. Early this summer Camdessus declared that there was no crisis in Russia, and a huge one erupted within weeks.
"A few months ago people were talking about seeing the light at the end of the tunnel," said Jeffrey Garten, the dean of the Yale School of Management, a former top official in the Commerce Department. "Now the only hope is keeping the world economy from total deterioration. And you get a sense that this is all now truly left to Adam Smith's invisible hand -- it's beyond any country's ability, any institution's ability, to control." [Need for global economic authority.]
For their part, Rubin and Greenspan, speaking frequently by phone and at their weekly breakfast meetings in Washington, are choosing their words with extraordinary care. Neither, for example, has used the phrase "global recession" in public. They fear that the phrase alone might cause more selloffs and make continued turmoil a self-fulfilling prophecy.
But Miyazawa, speaking in Japanese at a news conference here Friday evening, used a close equivalent to the term. And at one point he broke into English to discuss how the failure of a major Japanese bank, the Long Term Credit Bank of Japan, "might result in systemic risk for the United States and for Japan."
"Systemic risk" is the phrase used by monetary authorities to describe how the failure of an institution or a severe market drop in one economy can course through the global economy, setting off events elsewhere.
For Miyazawa, 78, the return to San Francisco to plead for "more patience" to deal with Japan's problems had odd historical echoes. In 1951, as a young, English-speaking bureaucrat, Miyazawa was a central behind-the-scenes player in the negotiation of the peace treaty between Japan and the United States -- signed here -- that ended the American occupation of his country and set it on the path to become an economic superpower. In the ensuing half-century, Japan has often turned to Miyazawa, whose contacts in Washington run deep, to deal with what the Japanese call "gaiatsu," or foreign pressure. He grew up in the Japanese finance ministry, and assured his dinner partners Friday night -- in the presence of the ministry's officials -- that he could deal with bureaucratic resistance to reform of Japan's economic system.
But he was less sanguine about his ability to get Japan's Parliament to act quickly on financial rescue legislation. The key dispute is whether to allow a huge infusion of taxpayer money to the banking system to rid it of bad loans.
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