Mandate solar panels all you want for almost non-existent "new housing". It's just virtue-signaling.
  And rebuilding after the fires?
         The Camp Fire Destroyed 11,000 Homes. A Year Later Only 11 Have Been Rebuilt 
                    November 9, 2019 npr.org
      ...Many of Gorley's friends have moved out of state. There was  already a housing shortage — especially an affordable housing shortage — in rural Butte County before the fire. In search of cheaper housing, survivors have moved to states like Oregon, Idaho and Texas. Or they just don't ever want to live in Paradise again because of all the horror they experienced that day.
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  The 2010s Were a Terrible Decade for Housing Construction
  NIMBYism has dominated housing policy for the last ten years. Will the 2020s be any better?
  Christian Britschgi | 12.23.2019 3:25 PM  reason.com ... 
  New York City added 509,000 housing units, or about 2.2 units per new job, from 2001 to 2008, according to a  recent report from the city's Department of Planning. It added only 457,000 units, or .5 new units per new job, from 2009 to 2018.
   In 2018, the Californian authorities permitted 117,892 new units of housing for the state's nearly 40 million residents,  according  to California's Department of Finance. By comparison, the Golden State  issued 131,732 housing permits in 1975 (the earliest year data is  available), despite having only 21.5 million residents.
   The question isn't whether government regulation has constrained  supply. Rather its which government regulations have restricted supply  the most.
   Some scholars like to point to zoning restrictions that prevent  developers from constructing taller, denser apartment buildings in  high-demand urban areas. Others stress urban growth boundaries that  block new suburban housing.
   On top of this are historical preservation laws, environmental  regulations, and prevailing wage requirements for construction workers.  Whatever their other policy merits may be these all increase the costs  of building new homes.
   "The bigger background narrative is NIMBYism generally," says Salim  Furth, an urban policy expert at the Mercatus Center. "It's not that  localities have planned for housing and have just done it in a way that  doesn't produce quite enough. There's a visceral 'just don't build  anything here' attitude that is prevailing in most American suburbs  today."
   A 2016 National Association of Home Builders (NAHB)  study  estimates that regulatory costs have increased the price of a new  single-family home by 30 percent in the first half of the decade.  Another NAHB  study found that regulations account for a third of new multifamily regulatory costs.
   The people who bear the burden of these regulations are renters and  new home purchasers who find themselves shelling out more money for the  same amount of housing.
   An October  report from Apartment List put  the percentage of cost-burdened renters (those paying more than 30  percent of their income in rent) at just under 50 percent. In 1960  only 24 percent of renters were cost-burdened. Some have chosen to save on housing by spending more time behind the wheel: The Washington Post  reports that Americans commuting longer than ever before.
   Policy makers are starting to wake up to the problem of a  government-induced housing affordability crisis. Occasionally they are  even passing good policies.
   California has  significantly deregulated  the construction of granny flats, resulting in a massive spike in the  construction of those units in places like Los Angeles. Seattle has done  the same, while  also upzoning some city neighborhoods to allow for denser residential and commercial development.  Oregon and  Minneapolis both abolished single-family-only zoning laws.
   Alas, these reforms have often been coupled with counterproductive price controls. Both California and Oregon  passed caps on rental price increases this year. New York similarly  strengthened pre-existing limits on rent increases in New York City. It has also given local governments the authority to pass their own rent control laws.
   On balance, Furth believes housing policy is moving in the right  direction at the federal and state level. But he thinks that is  counteracted at the local level, where the trend is toward giving  planners more power to micromanage what new housing will look like.
   "That allows local elected officials to have a seat at the table  designing and planning everything. They have certain priorities that  never include affordability," Furth tells Reason. Local  governments have an incentive, he says, to boost tax revenue above all  else. That leads them to zone for higher-quality housing that will  attract wealthy residents who pay a lot in taxes but consume few  services.
   In California, the high levels of discretion built into the  permitting process allows activists and other self-interested parties to  slow down new development. But other cities, such as Des Moines, are  moving in the direction of zoning for higher-quality, higher-priced homes.
   Some cities, such as Houston, have  managed to stay affordable  despite tremendous growth precisely because local officials have  decided not to micromanage what new housing will look like or where it  can be built.
   Getting other cities to embrace a lighter-touch regulatory approach  requires policy changes. It also requires people to accept having less  control over what other people do with their property.
   "We need to change the way that we think about property and  neighbors," says Furth. "We have a pattern of thinking that is just  going to lead to worse and worse outcomes." |