Make no mistake, China today is more able, and willing, to use force against Taiwan than it was 10 years ago."
It's Billy's legacy, let the Libs bleed and die for him first...
January 9, 2001
Defending Taiwan
Jesse Helms
When he takes office Jan. 20, President-elect George W.
Bush will have a lot of mopping up to do in the realm of
foreign policy. Perhaps the most incendiary issue confronting
the new administration is America's looming confrontation
with China over Taiwan.
While it is commonly assumed that the Korean peninsula
is the likeliest place for U.S. forces to be involved in hostilities
(at least in East Asia), the chances of war in Taiwan are
probably greater. This is true for several reasons.
For starters, North Korean military capabilities have been
degraded in many respects by the severe economic slide in
that country for nearly a decade. Though the North Korean
threat remains very real, North Korea is a failing power and
is probably less able to wage sustained combat operations
today than it was seven or eight years ago
Second, deterrence works, and the United States has in
place a very powerful deterrent in Korea with 37,000 troops
and an iron-clad security guarantee contained in the
U.S.-South Korean Mutual Defense Treaty.
This contrasts sharply with the developing situation in the
Taiwan Strait.
Unlike North Korea, Communist China is a rising power,
embarked on a massive military buildup. For 11 years
running, China's military budget has increased by double digit
percentages. These bulging budgets, subsidized by trade
dollars from the United States and cheap loans from the
World Bank, are being used to procure a raft of advanced
and dangerous weaponry.
One needs only to listen to Chinese officials or read the
Communist-controlled press for a day to know why China
was embarked on this threatening military spending binge: the
intimidation and ultimate subjugation of democratic Taiwan.
Just last month, Communist Chinese leader Jiang Zemin
reportedly stated: "It is imperative to step up preparations for
a military struggle so as to promote the early solution of the
Taiwan issue. To this end, it is necessary to vigorously
develop some 'trump card' weapons and equipment.
Make no mistake, China today is more able, and more
willing, to use force against Taiwan than it was 10 years ago."
Unfortunately, that increased threat is not being countered
by an adequate deterrent. Unlike in Korea, there are no U.S.
troops on Taiwan, and there is no guarantee that we will help
defend the island, having abrogated our defense treaty with
Taiwan in 1980.
Furthermore, total U.S. force structure has been
decimated by the Clinton administration. Thus, any U.S.
forces dedicated to Taiwan in the event of hostilities will take
days to get there and will have to be robbed from other
missions, some of which (even in the Clinton era) involve vital
American interests.
The preparedness of Taiwan's defense forces is also in
doubt. Successive administrations have denied several
badly-needed defense requests from Taiwan, solely to
appease China. Moreover, it has now been more than 20
years since Taiwan has engaged in a joint military exercise
with another country. Operating in such isolation, Taiwan's
military cannot avoid being behind the curve when it comes to
modern military metods.
U.S. policy compounds Taiwan's problems by maintaining
several outmoded restrictions on military contacts between
our countries:
No U.S. military officer above the rank of O-6 can set
foot on Taiwan. The United States routinely sells
sophisticated military equipment to Taiwan, but defense
officials are often prohibited from engaging in detailed
discussions with their Taiwan counterparts on how to use the
equipment. When the United States sent aircraft carriers to
Taiwan during the 1996 missile crisis, it was revealed that
there are no direct, secure communication links between our
militaries. Why not? Because to implement this common
sense, life-saving idea would be seen by the dictators in
Beijing as an infringement on the sacred "One China" policy.
A tyrannical aggressor engaged in a military buildup and
advertising his hostile intentions. A small democracy under the
gun. A complacent democratic power disarming, in retreat
and appeasing the tyrant.
All of this, if not corrected soon, is a classic recipe for
war.
Fortunately, Mr. Bush has signaled that he understands
the problem. He has rejected President Clinton's fatuous
notion of China as a strategic partner. Mr. Bush has pledged
to build missile defenses with our Asian allies. And
importantly, he has had the courage to think outside the box
by supporting the Taiwan Security Enhancement Act
(TSEA).
I authored the TSEA, along with Sen. Robert Torricelli,
precisely to redress some of the aforementioned gaps in our
deterrent posture in Taiwan. The TSEA requires close
consultation with Congress on defense sales to Taiwan,
upgraded military ties with Taipei, the removal of restrictions
on U.S. military travel to Taiwan and the establishment of
better communications between our militaries.
Along with a restoration of overall U.S. military power,
early implementation of the provisions of the Taiwan Security
Enhancement Act by the Bush administration will be vital in
lowering the chances of American men and women having to
fight in the Taiwan Strait.
Jesse Helms, North Carolina Republican, is chairman of
the Senate International Relations Committee. |
