For GOP House Moderates, a Season of Discontent
Legislators Struggle to Effect Change Within Their Party While Remaining Loyal to Their Leadership
By Juliet Eilperin
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, July 22, 2001; Page A06
House Republican moderates have displayed an increasing restiveness in recent weeks, erecting several legislative roadblocks in the way of their party's agenda. But their efforts have yielded mixed results, throwing into question whether they can force President Bush and House leaders to modify their stance on key domestic policies.
In the past week-and-a-half, moderates brought down campaign finance legislation by siding with Democrats on a procedural vote and almost staged a similar rebellion on Bush's plan to funnel more federal money to religious organizations that provide social services to the poor and needy.
But although they managed to prevent the leadership from bringing campaign finance to the floor, they relented on the president's "faith-based initiative" and supported a bill they said could lead to discrimination by religious groups.
"It's a war of inches," said Rep. James C. Greenwood (R-Pa.). "It's not like the moderates are going to go out and win nine out of 10 battles."
House moderates have found themselves in a pivotal position these days on issues including managed care reform, campaign finance and the environment. But in interviews last week, several of these lawmakers said they were caught between trying to bring their party closer to the center and remaining loyal to their leadership.
"It's a struggle. You want to serve as a reminder to the conference that these are issues we feel very deeply about," said Rep. Mark Foley (R-Fla.), who led the unsuccessful fight last week to ensure Bush's faith-based initiative did not exempt religious groups from state and local nondiscrimination laws. "At the same time, we're loath to participate with the Democrats because we know they're using us for a tactical advantage."
Moderates are also well aware they remain a minority within their conference. During negotiations with Foley last week, House Republican Conference Chairman J.C. Watts (R-Okla.) raised the possibility of bringing the Employment Non-Discrimination Act -- a bill that would bar employers from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation -- up for a vote because gays might encounter religious bias under Bush's proposal. But even Foley considered such a move unrealistic, given his GOP colleagues' opposition to gay rights.
"I never gave it any credence," Foley said of the offer.
Watts spokeswoman Christine Iverson confirmed that the two men had discussed the issue, but emphasized, "No commitment was made on the part of J.C. or the leadership to have a debate on ENDA."
White House officials, for their part, said that although they will continue to reach out to moderates, they do not sense the kind of unhappiness Sen. James M. Jeffords (I-Vt.) displayed when he bolted from the Republican Party in June and handed over control of the chamber to the Democrats.
A Bush official who asked not to be identified said they have "detected no real problem, no Jeffords-like rebellion from House moderates." Even after the moderates raised objections to the president's faith-based initiative, the official added, "in the end they all voted for it without any changes."
Part of the moderate Republicans' more conciliatory approach stems from their basic political outlook, as well as from the realization that they risk a conservative primary fight if they veer too far to the left.
"The essence of a moderate is that we're working for change within our party and our leadership," said Rep. Mark S. Kirk (R-Ill.), who helped broker the compromise on the faith-based bill.
Even Rep. Christopher Shays (R-Conn.), who led the fight on campaign finance reform, said he was more concerned with airing his own views on an issue than with maximizing pressure on the leadership.
"I view it as every member voting their conscience and you live with the results," Shays said.
Such an approach prompted Democratic Rep. Barney Frank (Mass.) to joke last week that only Jeffords had shown the influence centrists can exert on the political process: "The only effective moderate Republican is an ex-moderate Republican."
Still, GOP moderates argue that their recent actions have served as a potent warning to House leaders and Bush.
"We have the ability to not be taken for granted," Greenwood said.
In fact, top Republicans are aware they must accommodate both ends of their party's ideological spectrum as Bush looks toward passing managed care reform and energy legislation in the next few weeks.
"The speaker knows the goal is to pass legislation, and that means listening to all the voices in our conference," said John Feehery, spokesman for House Speaker J. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.). "It's a delicate balance for the speaker. You need to appeal to both the moderates and the conservatives."
The White House has begun lobbying moderates more aggressively than in the past. Top officials called lawmakers repeatedly last week to address concerns over the president's faith-based bill, and Bush has met personally with dozens of members in an effort to pull them off bipartisan legislation that would give patients a broad right to sue their managed care companies.
Rep. Peter T. King (R-N.Y.), who has met with the president twice to discuss HMO reform, said he has detected a subtle shift in tone on the part of Bush and his deputies.
"It was a one-way street, 'Here's what you're going to do,' " King said, describing the outset of Bush's term. "Now it's, 'What do you need for us to get this done?' "
Still, it remains unclear whether House moderates can extract serious concessions from the White House. In the case of the faith-based bill, GOP leaders gave only a verbal commitment that they would negotiate with the Senate to ensure the bill does not foster discrimination by religious groups. And Bush is trying to bring lawmakers aboard a much more modest managed care measure that offers patients a limited right to sue their employers.
Staff writer Dana Milbank contributed to this report. |
