CAMEROON is one of those countries who will be voting in the security council; here is a brief overview of what Human Rights Watch describes as the state of affairs in French Cameroon during 1991. Shaping Americas future according to un is IMO wishful thinking by the left. When the American people understand the un for what it is the momentum to supplant American values with un members values, will quickly stop the momentum being foisted on us by the left.
Human Rights Developments
Human rights violations in Cameroon in 1991 were closely linked to rising calls for democratization. Tensions between the government and the political opposition worsened in the second half of the year, reaching new heights of violence and bloodshed as the government killed dozens of opposition demonstrators and beat many others. Some demonstrators were responsible for beatings of police and other civilians and for acts of vandalism. The government also continued to arrest opposition activists and refuse the opposition's demand for a national conference.
To its credit, the government declared an amnesty for political prisoners in late March, releasing about one hundred who had been held in administrative detention without charge or trial since the abortive coup of 1984. But the government's often brutal response to the wave of demonstrations and strikes during 1991 raised serious doubts about its stated commitment to democratization.
On December 19, 1990, new legislation was enacted regarding the state of emergency, the press, associations and political parties, among other matters. Although the government claimed to be liberalizing the laws in these areas, the revised laws in fact retained much of their repressive nature. The press law, for example, continues the practice of prior censorship _ that is, all publications must be submitted to the censor before publication. Although prior censorship has existed in Cameroon since independence, the new press law codifies the practice for the first time.
The new law on associations permits the government to ban any organization which it deems to have deviated from its objectives and or to threaten public order or state security. The law relating to the state of emergency repealed legislation dating from 1962 but permitted the declaration of states of emergency by presidential decree for up to six months; extensions are permitted after "consultation" with the National Assembly. During a state of emergency, the authorities are given broad powers of administrative detention. Although opponents no longer face the prospect of criminal trials for "subversion" before military tribunals, a new law permits political trials to be held before the recently created State Security Court, from which there is no appeal.
The government's attitude toward dissent was demonstrated early in 1991. Célestin Monga, an economist who writes for the independent newspaper Le Messager1 as well as the Paris-based Jeune Afrique Economie, and Pius Njawe, the editor of Le Messager, came under investigation in late December 1990 for an open letter to President Paul Biya that had been published in Le Messager. The letter, written by Monga, criticized President Biya's December 3, 1990 address in which he had stated, "I have brought you democracy and liberty."2 On January 18, the two journalists were each given six-month suspended sentences and a fine of 300,000 CFA (approximately $1,100) on charges of insulting the courts and the members of the National Assembly. The trial sparked large demonstrations in support of the defendants, and three demonstrators were killed in the northern city of Garoua.
Pro-democracy demonstrations were broken up, often violently, in various parts of the country in early 1991, and the violence escalated in April. Between April 10 and 15, at least eight demonstrators were killed and several others wounded in the north and southwest of the country, as well as in the major cities of Yaoundé and Douala. In addition, several hundred people were detained in Yaoundé, including some three hundred students after security forces attacked the university.
Tensions, and the death toll, continued to rise in May, June and July, after clashes between police and demonstrators. On June 25, the opposition announced "Operation Ghost Town" in an attempt to force the government to accede to their demands for a national conference. The "Ghost Towns" campaign, which was continuing in many parts of the country through December, involves the voluntary closing of businesses, shops and taxi services, and the refusal to pay government taxes. Meanwhile, the government formed the Operations Commanders, charged with re-establishing public order in areas where demonstrations and unrest have occurred in seven of Cameroon's ten provinces. These commanders, who are superior to the local military structure, are widely believed responsible for the continued use of excessive force against demonstrators.
In July, six independent organizations were banned _ Cap Liberté, the Cameroon Organization for Human Rights, the Collective of Women for the New Deal, Human Rights Watch,3 the Association of Professional Drivers, and the National Association of Cameroonian Athletes. The groups were dissolved by order of the Minister of Territorial Administration on the grounds that their activities were incompatible with their legal status, i.e., they were engaging in political activity. All six groups were part of the Opposition Coordinating Group, and their banning was clearly meant to dampen the political opposition in Cameroon.
Over the summer, the government began a new crackdown on the independent press. Independent newspapers, notably Le Messager, were frequently confiscated. In July, a new censorship authority was created within the government-run printing house (where most newspapers are printed), which reinforced government censorship of independent newspapers. In August, without explanation, the government banned five of the leading independent newspapers: Le Messager, La Vision, Galaxie, La Nouvelle Expression and Challenge Hebdo. Two other newspapers were later suspended. The banning order against Challenge Hebdo and Galaxie was lifted in late September or early October, and the remaining banning orders were lifted late in the year.
On September 4, when dozens of independent journalists staged a peaceful march to protest the banning of the newspapers, they were attacked by security forces. Several of the demonstrators were injured, and approximately forty were detained.
In late September, at least thirty and possibly as many as sixty opposition activists were arrested in Douala after publicly protesting the arrest of a leading activist, Jean-Jacques Ekindi, founder of the Progressive Movement. Despite the protesters' lack of resistance, the police severely beat those arrested, stripped them, and put them in a filthy cell. Charles Tchoungang, a lawyer and president of the banned Cameroon Organization for Human Rights, was among those seriously mistreated. Others arrested were Samuel Eboua of the National Union for Democracy and Progress; and Anicet Ekané and Henriette Ekwé, former political prisoners.
In October, President Biya announced that legislative elections would be held in February 1992, and invited representatives of the opposition parties to meet with the prime minister in early November to discuss a revision of the electoral code and access by the opposition to the media. In late November, the opposition split, with forty-one parties signing an agreement with the government while other parties and individuals maintained their opposition. However, many Cameroonians remain skeptical about the government's intentions, given its refusal to convene a national conference, lift the ban on independent associations, and disband the Operations Commanders. In addition, during the night of November 17-18, Benjamin Senfo Tonkam, the leader of the independent student movement, was arrested in Douala, and continues to be held without charge or access to lawyers and family. There are serious concerns about his treatment in detention |
