A RENEWED COMMITMENT TO GLOBAL LEADERSHIP
By Richard A. Gephardt
Last June, I gave a foreign policy address to the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and the Council on Foreign Relations in which I offered to work with President George W. Bush to build an effective policy toward Iraq. I felt then, as I do today, that to protect the United States’ national interests, we must use diplomatic tools where we can and military means when we must to eliminate the threat Iraqi President Saddam Hussein poses to the region and our own security.
In negotiations with the Bush administration on the congressional legislation authorizing the use of force, if necessary, to eliminate Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, my proudest contribution was to insist on language calling on Bush to continue active diplomatic engagement to resolve this crisis before he resorts to military action. In every conversation I had with the president, I emphasized the importance of exhausting all diplomatic means and of working with other nations to maximize our potential for success. These efforts compelled the president into a partnership with the United Nations that resulted in U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441, which warns of “serious consequences” if Iraq does not allow weapons inspectors to verify the destruction of its weapons of mass destruction.
In approaching this crisis and other foreign policy challenges, I drew from a long tradition of leadership that has shaped U.S. foreign policy since World War II. At many points in the last half century, our nation has faced a choice between taking a global leadership role or reverting to the illusory security of isolation, as we did after World War I. To our great benefit, our leaders have repeatedly committed themselves to the first path through their keen understanding of America’s long-term interests, their constant recognition that the United States must be engaged in world events, and their sustained efforts to draw other nations to our cause and the values that guide it.
I am determined to further this tradition of committed leadership and have pursued such a course in international affairs throughout my career. In my view, U.S. foreign policy must focus first and foremost on protecting U.S. security interests, engaging the world to advance those interests, and using our influence to broaden the community of nations that share our values and aspirations. Unlike the times of our previous presidents, however, the new opportunities afforded us by globalization and the dangers beset upon us by terrorism require an additional commitment to broad-based citizen involvement. To expand the circle of free and prosperous nations in today’s world, I am convinced the United States must invest the skills, talents, and altruistic spirit of the American people in this enterprise.
Over the last two years, President Bush has unfortunately chosen to disregard these essential principles as he has attempted to manage U.S. foreign policy. Instead, he has chosen to pursue objectives through unilateral actions and a widely criticized doctrine of preemption rather than through the use of influence and coalition building that generally has had a more lasting and effectual impact on the course of world events. Sadly, Bush’s path has had the effect of isolating our nation, alienating our allies, and—most seriously—undermining our security and values throughout the world.
Consequently, as our nation faces the greatest threat to its security since World War II, we are today less able to advance our interests through the exercise of global leadership. Fewer nations choose to follow our lead; more nations resent our tilt toward unilateralism. The consequences of this approach are evident:
First, President Bush showed strong leadership in the weeks after the tragedy of September 11, 2001. On the first battleground of the war on terrorism, Bush successfully rooted the Taliban out of Afghanistan; however, he failed to close escape routes for Osama bin Laden and other al Qaeda leaders. And by refusing to commit to a sufficient peacekeeping presence in Afghanistan, he has allowed instability to fester and terrorist cells to regroup for the next fight.
Second, in the Middle East, it has always been imperative that our nation maintain unflinching support for Israel’s security and an unwavering commitment to reduce violence and promote steps toward peace. In contrast, this administration has wavered between support and criticism for Israel, which, combined with a distinct effort to disengage from any dialogue, has frustrated the progress toward peace.
Third, in terms of U.S. relations with Russia, I have worked since the days of glasnost and perestroika to assist its transition to democracy and build new partnerships from the grass roots up. Moreover, in 2001, I called for a new strategic framework to promote mutual security and to counter the threats of proliferation and terrorism. President Bush chose to pursue a different course by abandoning a framework that had preserved stability for three decades without offering a coherent vision of our future bilateral relations. Today, all he has to show for this course is a nuclear weapons treaty that doesn’t eliminate nuclear weapons and a construction plan for a missile defense system that has not yet proved to work.
Fourth, in Africa, I have met with people on the front lines in the struggle against HIV/AIDS and have advocated steadily for increased funding to eradicate this threat to the health and security of all nations. I have also supported and contributed my efforts to relieve the staggering debt that burdens African nations. Despite many promises, President Bush has yet to deliver the resources necessary to fulfill our moral obligation to these efforts.
Finally, and perhaps most important, at home I worked diligently for the creation of a Department of Homeland Security that will maximize the safety of our citizens and value the hard work of its employees. After exerting considerable effort to oppose this initiative—not to mention opposing an independent commission that can apply lessons learned from September 11—the president belatedly joined the cause. But he continues to withhold the funds needed for many critical security measures to be implemented effectively.
Without a clear sense of our nation’s key global interests, a sustained commitment to engage on their behalf, and a desire to strengthen and expand alliances, our foreign policy can and will falter. As we confront these challenges, we must keep these principles in mind and look for new opportunities to advance our values and our security throughout the world.
During missions to other countries, I have seen that U.S. foreign policy is often most effectively exercised by average Americans. From the retired businessman administering microloans in Morocco to the young lawyer working to empower women in India, Americans abroad can make a difference.
For many Americans, the tragedy of September 11 awakened a new interest in the world and a new potential to effect positive change in regions where hopelessness has bred extremism. Our government must encourage efforts beyond established military and diplomatic means to spread democratic values, the rule of law, and free enterprise. Our goal must be to reach beyond our borders and forge bonds that can last for generations.
Today, our nation confronts a serious threat from North Korea, one that may not have reached this stage had our president adopted the fundamental foreign policy principles that have served this nation well since World War II. Instead, he walked away from this challenge early in his administration, ignoring advice from myself and others to protect the nation’s interests by remaining engaged and working with allies. As we contend with this threat and other global challenges, I believe that steady, committed leadership and inspired public involvement can provide the foundation for a more coherent and forward-looking foreign policy for the coming years.
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