Tensions Rise as Venezuela's Recall Decision Looms
Stratfor Summary
Venezuela's national electoral authorities will announce this week if a referendum to recall President Hugo Chavez will be held in 2004. However, since neither Chavez nor his opponents will accept a ruling unfavorable to their respective interests, Venezuela's political crisis quickly will intensify and more violence likely will accompany it.
Analysis
Venezuela's National Electoral Council (CNE) reportedly will announce Feb. 13 whether President Hugo Chavez's opponents submitted enough valid voter signatures to compel a referendum to recall him. Whatever the CNE announces, neither Chavez nor his opponents will ever concede defeat.
This means the struggle for supremacy between Chavez and his foes could again erupt in deadly violence very soon. The last time the president and the opposition clashed publicly -- in April 2001 -- at least 20 people were killed and Chavez was briefly toppled before loyal military supporters put him back in the presidential palace. Chavez won't be caught napping twice, however.
The president warned Feb. 8 on national television that if the opposition doesn't respect the CNE's imminent ruling against a recall referendum, he will order his "civilian and military forces" to enforce the rule of law.
It is unclear how Chavez knows the CNE's final decision beforehand. The body supposedly is independent, although three of its five directors are believed to be Chavez supporters. One of the three is CNE President Francisco Carrasquero, who lives inside a military compound guarded by troops loyal to Chavez. Opposition leaders fear the CNE will find a way to disallow the recall referendum.
If the CNE rules that no referendum is legally or constitutionally justified, the opposition will accuse Chavez of hijacking the CNE. If the CNE does the unexpected and rules for a recall referendum, Chavez and his supporters likely will cry "fraud," charge that the opposition infiltrated and corrupted the CNE and repudiate its decision. Either way, Venezuela's 46-year- old representative democracy will never be the same.
Chavez appears to be seeking a confrontation, and some opposition leaders appear willing to accommodate him. Late Feb. 10, Miranda State Gov. Enrique Mendoza of the opposition group Democratic Coordinator (CD) -- widely touted as a favorite potential successor to Chavez -- announced the creation of a 17-member Referendum Campaign Command. Mendoza also urged pro-recall voters to participate in a Feb. 16 protest march that would end at the CNE offices in downtown Caracas.
An eyewitness Stratfor source in Caracas said Feb. 11 that civilian pro-Chavez Bolivarian Circle group members already have taken up defensive positions surrounding CNE offices. If government security forces don't keep the pro- and anti-Chavez sides apart, violence will erupt almost immediately.
In effect, Chavez might be hoping for violent confrontation to justify repressive measures that would complete his consolidation of control over Venezuela. Some opposition leaders are keenly aware of this possibility. Carlos Ortega -- president of the Venezuelan Workers Confederation, who is now living in exile in Costa Rica -- said Feb. 10 that he possessed "information" that Chavez and his supporters within the Venezuelan National Armed Forces (FAN) plan to stage a self-coup between Feb. 11 and Feb. 13 in order to prevent a referendum from taking place.
According to Ortega, the Chavez government plans to provoke violence to justify declaring a "state of exception," suspending the constitution and allowing the government to arrest anyone viewed as a threat to stability and national security. Ortega said the government has a lengthy list of political, business, labor, media and military figures it plans to arrest.
Chavez agrees that a coup plot exists, but he claims his foes are the plotters and that the Bush administration is funding them.
Neither Ortega nor Chavez offered any evidence for their conspiracy accusations. However, the charges and countercharges highlight the rising tensions and indicate that both Chavez and his foes are feeling some desperation as the deadline for the CNE's decision approaches.
Currently, Chavez controls the FAN, and his majorities in the CNE, Supreme Court and National Assembly have neutralized the opposition. However, if the president is forced into a recall referendum, there is a strong likelihood he would lose and be forced to resign -- an outcome he will not accept under any circumstances.
For the opposition, the recall referendum is their last chance to get rid of Chavez democratically. If it fails for any reason, that's it. The opposition's only remaining choices would be to meekly accept the rule of an unforgiving Chavez until new elections are held in 2006 (if they are held), leave Venezuela or overthrow him in a coup. However, should the latter happen, the new government likely would not be recognized internationally as legitimate. |