On a private question..
WMD for me was never an issue in Iraq...
Tuesday, March 18, 2003
The Illusory Pax Arabica
By Iqbal Latif
In a move that it deemed worthy for the Muslim cause Libya recalled its ambassador to Saudi Arabia after an exchange at a recent Arab summit between the Crown Prince and the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. Both leaders gave a demonstration of their quick wit with Col. Gaddahffi stating, "King Fahd would co-operate with the devil" with an equally ingenious retort from Prince Abdullah, "Saudi Arabia is a Muslim country and not an agent of colonialism like you and the others. Your lies precede you, while the grave is ahead of you." It seems that in an age where Muslims perceive themselves to be under threat they can rely on iconic figures like Saddam Hussein to rally them.
"Baghdad, its people and leadership, is determined to force the Mongols of our age to commit suicide at its gate,” as confidently predicted by Saddam Hussein in his tribute to the 12th anniversary of his defeat in the Gulf War. Analogising the imminent American attack to the devastative Mongols of the 13th century who ravaged Baghdad, then the effervescent capital of the Islamic world, he appealed to the patriotism, pan-Islamism and fatalism of his subjects. Inflaming the soul of Muslims everywhere by appealing to the Islamic character of his state, which paradoxically was renowned for its secular status, Saddam seems intent on preserving his reign of terror by grasping the last straws of Pan-Islamism.
It is a sad case that the heroes of the Pan-Islamic movement tend to be those Muslims, directly responsible for the dire state of affairs afflicting the Islamic Crescent. Aurangzeb, whose Sunnite fanaticism was directly responsible for the dissolution of the Mughal Empire from its once glorious heights. His intent on purifying the Deccan south of its “heathen Shi’ite kingdom” led to the rise of the Hindu Marathas, who were able to successful exploit the sorry state of affairs through pioneering and perfecting guerrilla warfare. In his eagerness to impose his beliefs onto a population, renowned for millennia of diversity, Aurangzeb was to alienate virtually everyone from the intensely Hindu Rajput kingdoms to the fiercely devout Muslim Pathans. Rather than follow the footsteps of his illustrious ancestor Akbar, who embraced the pluralism of his imperial holdings, Aurangzeb was unable to transcend his fanaticism and as a result laid the seed of his kingdoms destruction. Ironic though that modern Muslim intellectuals, notably Allama Iqbal, hail him as the ideal Muslim king. Is there any trait as dangerous as idealising and revering our tyrants?
Islam faces a new challenge with that of Saddam Hussein. The man, who now poses one of the greatest threats to the Muslim world in recent history, now is teetering to the status of martyr throughout the Muslim lands. Through the changes of technology and geography Hussein poses as great a threat as Adolf Hitler, with the ability to kill far more people. He is no Muslim saint rather the dictatorial leader of a party that aggressively promotes pan-Arab culture and renders all other ideologies, including Islam, as inferior. Saddam may gas Sunnite Kurds but still has a monopoly on the Muslim heart because of the lasting impression that a Muslim tyrant is still preferable to a foreign benefactor.
Pan-Islamism, with its stress on brotherhood amongst Muslims has been the most vibrant pulse underlying intellectual thought emanating from the Islamic world in recent decades. The raison d’etre of Islam, since its inception, has been to unite the believers under one community and this instinctual basis, guiding Islamic thought, has manifested itself in the current age in various guises.
The same Pan-Islamic sentiment has coursed through the modern age and over time has been tempered by another virulently intense imported ideology, that of nationalism. The reconciliation between these two competing demands of Muslim citizens have given rise to a blend, Muslim nationalism. It fundamentally recognises and accepts the multiplicity of nations within Islam but “strives to promote the solidarity, identity of outlook and close cooperation between the various Muslim nations on the basis of their religious and cultural affinity.”
It was this shift from the populist ideal of “Khilafat” to that of a more pragmatic multi-nation model co-existing within Dar-ul-Islam allowed for the development of Muslim states, particular that of Pakistan. Allama Iqbal, drawing upon Muslim nationalism, was able advocate the amalgamation of the four provinces in north-western India 'into a single state' so that these Muslims, whilst as subjects of the British Empire were a mere 'minority' in the larger subcontinental context, could eventually aspire to organically develop statehood within the living family of Muslim republics.
The balance between Islam and nation seemed amicably resolved and allowed for modernity nevertheless heated issues like Iraq renders its fragile union into a situation where Muslim must choose their loyalty to Islamic brotherhood or to the best interests of their state.
As the Arab world is deprived for a truly expressive medium by which their people can express themselves it up the leadership to tread this fine line between Islamic universalism and national particularlism. It seems they’re doing a pretty good job at living the paradox by hurling invectives about one another’s nations whilst at yet another conference aimed at Islamic unity. An Iraqi delegate, whose nation’s avowed mission is the unity of the Arab, resorted to traditional curses such as "Shut up, you monkey," and "Curse be upon your moustache” when conversing with his Kuwaiti counterpart. Saddam’s eloquence it seems is matched by his deputy, Ezzat Ibrahim al-Douri, who resorted to casting Kuwait, and pretty much the rest of the moderate Islamic world, of being in cahoots with America and "plotting with Zionism against Iraq." At the interjection of the Kuwaiti delegate, who scorned any comparison with Islam, Mr. al-Douri lashed back with a quote, which could either be translated as "You are small, a valet and a monkey," and "Shut up you minion, you (U.S.) agent, you monkey." At a time when the ominous imposition of Islamic brotherhood is advocated it seems that nationalism will continue to remain a force in a deeply divided Islamic Crescent.
Zachary Latif 00:45
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Monday, March 17, 2003
"Writing on the wall"
Iqbal Latif
Appeared in the Iranian
The historically and literary minded will recall another event involving the British and the Spanish, immortalised in Tennyson's poem, The Revenge. The first line was familiar to generations of schoolchildren. "At Flores in the Azores, Sir Richard Grenville lay". Grenville was one of the mariners (pirates in the Spanish view) so loved by Queen Elizabeth I. But the Spanish fleet in the Azores caught him and his little ship Revenge fought alone and to the death - a typically inspiring story of heroic British failure. The poem is full of anti-Spanish sentiment ("Let us bang these dogs of Seville, the children of the devil").
One wonders if Mr Blair will recite it to Jose Maria Aznar as they look out across the waters and consider how alliances change. Choosing the mid-Atlantic setting of the Azores, Tony Blair does not have to be seen running to the White House; Mr Bush tries to show that he is not directing it all from Washington; Mr Aznar gets his reward for co-sponsoring the resolution and provides another European figure to demonstrate that Britain is not alone on its side of the ocean.
The current situation has forced a remarkable turn of events forcing even the United States to compromise on its foreign policy agenda. Indeed, Mr Bush made an announcement on Friday that he was also going to release the long delayed "road map" for negotiations leading to a Palestinian state. White House officials were even saying that the soon to be appointed Palestinian Prime Minister Abu Mazen, would be received by the President in due course. Even the United States has been forced into political bribery. The proposal espoused by the current leaders is that Saddam Hussein should be given a chance to go into exile or face war.
The White House spokesman Ari Fleischer made a point: "There is still time for Saddam Hussein to see the writing on the wall and to get out of Iraq." His reference to the "writing on the wall" was particularly apt. It comes from a story in the Book of Daniel in the Old Testament in which Belshazzar saw writing predicting his doom appear on the wall during a feast. He was overthrown and killed that same night. Belshazzar was the son of Nebuchadnezzar, conqueror of Jerusalem and builder of Babylon and a king to whom Saddam Hussein compares himself. It is a shame to see the UN becoming irrelevant for the sake of these aforementioned criminals and cowards. Neither these characters espouse egalitarianism, nor liberate or are in any way icons of fraternity.
To decimate the relevance of the UN for indicted war criminals such as Saddam is the greatest tragedy of this new century. The Russians, Chinese and French will definitely regret their decision in a couple of week’s time when liberation forces shall be garlanded in downtown Baghdad. Beware one and all; the liberation of Baghdad is drawing near. The freedom of long suffering Iraqis is on hand and the polarization of this whole liberation objective counts as a despicable act of global diplomacy, if not in mankind history.
The "the moment of truth", as Mr Bush's national security adviser Condoleezza Rice put it, is at hand. What "the moment of truth" means is abandoning attempts to get the elusive second resolution and taking a decision to go to war.
If any one talks to Iraqis the story is quite different; "Saddam is a killer," said Mohammed, an engineer from Baghdad. Speaking near the Seida Zeinab Mosque, a Shiite shrine on the outskirts of Damascus where many Iraqis have come to wait out a possible war, Mohammed said 99 per cent of Iraqis wanted Mr Saddam gone and the 1 per cent that didn't were those connected to the regime. Expecting to be back in Baghdad soon after the war, Mohammed predicted Mr Saddam's fall would be rapid. "It will take two days of hell. I know my people. They will help the American army get rid of Saddam's government." Mohammed's wife Farah nodded. "The people will throw flowers on to the street to greet the American army," she said. "The people are very happy. It's only a matter of waiting now."
White House speechwriters have already started work on Mr Bush's address in which he will tell the American people that they are going to war. It is no more a language of diplomacy – it is the language of preparing people for war. A cursory glance at history bears testament to this statement. Iraqi callous regime has brought this all upon itself this is the wrath of Allah on clemency cries of thousands of Muslims recklessly mutilated by Saddam. When tyrants like Saddam, who in his Anfal campaign used chemical weapons on Kurdish men, women and children, is defended by political Islam it is indicative of the deep malaise within that philosophy.
This ideology must free itself of the medieval constraints and tarnished reputation of being associated with authoritarians, who conveniently hijack the religion to suit their own demonic beliefs. As human beings endowed with the freedom of choice and action we cannot in good conscience rest our collective responsibility upon the shoulders of God or nature but ourselves. For tyrants to appeal to the divine, as an absolution from their actions is a cowardly act for their citizens, whom they had shackled for so long, must hold them accountable. Saddam cannot escape from the wrath of his people and it is our obligation, as citizens of the free world and especially as Muslims, to make sure he does not.
Common sense and pragmatic rationalism seems to be a premium when Muslim peoples defend Saddam so vehemently despite his actions towards the Muslims populaces of Iran, Iraq and Kuwait. Until they shed the fanatical anachronisms of the past Muslims will continue to remain subject to the whims of tyrants like Saddam, who have a monopoly on the masses.
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