Historical precedent to the USD musical chairs end game:
By Harold James The Australian, Sydney Saturday, January 1, 2005
The People's Bank of China and the Bank of Japan, as well as other central banks in Asia, are in trouble. They have accumulated vast foreign exchange reserves, estimated at more than $US2 trillion (AU$2.6 trillion), but almost all of these reserves are in US dollars -- which are rapidly losing their value.
All policy options for Asia's central banks appear equally unattractive. If they do nothing and simply hold on to the dollars, their losses will increase, but if they buy more in an attempt to prop up the dollar, they will only have a bigger version of the same problem.
If, on the contrary, they try to diversify into other currencies, they will drive down the dollar faster and create greater losses.
They are likely to encounter the same sort of problem with other possible reserve currencies.
The euro has been touted as the replacement for, or alternative to, the dollar. Some enthusiastic Europeans encouraged Asians to diversify their reserve holdings, but the same scenario may well be repeated with the euro in a few years.
Large fiscal deficits and slow growth may convince foreign exchange markets that there is little future in the euro, prompting a wave of selling, and hence losses, for central bank holders.
There is a historical parallel with today's concern about the world's major reserve currency.
The inter-war economy, shattered by the Great Depression of the early 1930s, offers a series of painful, but important, lessons for the present.
In the 1920s, the world economy was reconstructed around a fixed exchange rate regime in which many countries held their reserves not in gold (as was the practice before World War I) but in foreign exchange, especially in British pounds.
During the 1920s, some of the official holders of sterling grew nervous about Britain's weak foreign trade performance, which suggested that, like today's dollar, the pound was overvalued and would inevitably decline.
Foreign central banks asked whether the Bank of England was contemplating changing its view of the pound's exchange rate.
Of course they were told there was no intention of abandoning Britain's link to gold, and that the strong pound represented a deep and long commitment (in the same way that US Treasury Secretary John Snow today affirms the idea of a strong dollar).
Only France ignored British statements and substantially sold off its sterling holdings.
When the inevitable British devaluation came on Sept. 20-21, 1931, many foreign central banks were hit hard and were blamed for mismanaging their reserves.
Many were stripped of their responsibilities, and the persons involved were discredited. The Dutch central banker Gerard Vissering resigned and eventually killed himself as a result of the destruction wrought on his institution's balance sheet by the pound's collapse.
Some countries that traded a great deal with Britain or were in the orbit of British imperial rule continued to hold reserves in pounds after 1931.
During World War II, Britain took advantage of this, and Argentina, Egypt, and India, in particular, built up huge claims on sterling, although it was an unattractive currency. At the war's end, they thought of a new way to use their reserves: spend them.
Consequently, these reserves fuelled economic populism. Large holders of sterling balances, such as Nehru's India, Nasser's Egypt, and Peron's Argentina, all embarked on major nationalisations and a public-sector spending spree. They built railways, dams, and steelworks.
The sterling balances proved to be the starting point of vast and inefficient state planning regimes that did long-term harm to growth prospects in all the countries taking this course.
Could something similar be in store for today's holders of large reserves?
The most explicit call for the use of dollar reserves to finance a major program of infrastructure modernisation has come from India, which has a similar problem to the one facing China and Japan. It will be similarly tempting elsewhere.
This temptation needs to be removed before those tempted yield to it.
Reserve holdings represent an outdated concept, and the world should contemplate some way of making them less central to the operation of the international financial system.
To be sure, reserves are important to smooth out imbalances in a fixed exchange rate regime, but the world has moved since the 1970s in the direction of greater exchange rate flexibility.
Reserves are also clearly important for countries that produce only a few goods -- especially commodity producers -- and thus face big and unpredictable swings in world market prices. Dependency on coffee or cocoa exports requires a build-up of precautionary reserves, but this does not apply to China, Japan, or India, whose exports are diversified.
Today's big surplus countries do not need large reserves. They should reduce their holdings as quickly as possible, before they do something really stupid with the accumulated treasure.
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Harold James is professor of history at Princeton University and author of "The End of Globalisation: Lessons from the Great Depression." |