Cultural Decline and Political Dependency - baby boom generation - Brief Article
Robert J. Bresler
JOHN ADAMS once wrote, "The preservation of liberty depends upon the intellectual and moral character of the people. As long as knowledge and virtue are diffused generally among the body of a nation, it is impossible that they should be enslaved." Adams was skeptical enough to realize that knowledge did not always result in virtue, but without knowledge, virtue could not be attained. Virtue was defined as the capacity of a people to place limits on their appetite, respect the rights of others, and be willing to put the interests of the country before their own. Republican virtue, so prized by the leaders of Adams' generation, was central to their concept of self-government.
That extraordinary generation did not simply rely on rhetoric. They understood the importance of a responsible and self-confident elite that must exemplify the qualities of republican virtue. Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and the others who pledged their lives, fortunes, and sacred honor in signing the Declaration of Independence placed themselves in great peril and inspired their countrymen. Thousands sacrificed all they held dear--except their honor--in a struggle for liberty and independence that lasted almost a decade.
The same qualities could be found in the generation of World War II who placed honor and love of country above all else without demanding constant praise for it. Their contributions will stand for centuries. Think of the accomplishments: victory in World War II, the creation of broad-based prosperity at home, the rebuilding and democratization of Western Europe and Japan, and the spread of open markets, free trade, and growing global prosperity. These achievements set the stage for America's victory in the Cold War and the defeat of Soviet totalitarianism.
What are the essentials that enable one generation to accomplish great things, while another may be known only for lassitude and frivolousness? We have such a disturbing parallel in our own time. Much of the attention now given to the World War II generation comes from a genuine feeling of respect from those who followed them. Part of it, I suspect, reflects the baby boomers' sense of their inadequate legacy when compared to their parents'. Members of the baby boom generation have given us the computer age and the Internet, but have turned their backs on the virtues their parents lived by. Writing wistfully about the post-World War II period and what we have lost, author Joseph Epstein recently commented, "What made [those years] wonderful was an air of seriousness about matters of the mind that, in retrospect, seems almost impossible to credit, let alone to imagine re-creating."
Those of us born in the 1930s have witnessed in our lifetimes a change of culture so profound that it often seems as if we began life in one country and ended up in another. We grew up in a culture wherein people would be embarrassed to discuss their sexual history, emotional difficulties, or family troubles in public. This came from a sense of self-restraint and personal dignity that the culture reinforced. Public vulgarity was never allowed; people dressed up when they went out on the town; and tattoos were only for sailors. The Motion Picture Production Code and that of the National Association of Broadcasters kept entertainment within certain boundaries of language and content. Rigid and outdated as these codes may seem today, they gave the public important cues about proper behavior and attitudes.
In the 1960s, the cultural elite lost confidence in their own values and let down the barriers. We did not see an outburst of creativity, but, rather, a steady decline in cultural standards and personal behavior. Today, those who raise the issue of sex and violence in films, television, and music seem unable to arouse broad public indignation. People consume pornography in record amounts, and reality television (a far cry from "Candid Camera") is all the rage. The defenders of unlimited cultural freedom argue that its impact on behavior is negligible and the cure--censorship--is worse. They couldn't be further off the mark. Cultural degradation has serious political consequences. People seek greater sensations from the culture, and each new one eventually wears itself out. Many confuse the pursuit of happiness with the pursuit of pleasure.
Led by a cultural elite, constantly "pushing the envelope," as they like to say, we are losing the sense of restraint and decorum which can erode the qualities of republican virtue Adams held so dear. Self-government is undermined in a culture of self-absorption. In their introduction to a new translation of 19th-century author Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America, Harvey Mansfield and Delba Winthrop explain the Frenchman's fears of excessive individualism: "With unlimited choices, unsure of everything and passionate about little else but securing their comfort, [people] will be tempted to surrender responsibility for making their own decisions."
A culture of seriousness can inform people about things that are noble, enduring, and deepen the habits of responsible self-government. As we weaken the habits of self-restraint and responsibility, people turn increasingly to government. Regardless of which party is in control, the public appetite for new entitlements (prescription drugs) and new regulations (the so-called patient's bill of rights) continues unabated.
Tocqueville understood that the key to the remarkable American experiment in self-government was found in the habits of its population. The Americans of that era were, in many regards, worthy successors to the revolutionary generation. They valued liberty, community, and self-reliance and built a new nation upon the inspiration and sacrifice of their elders. The baby boomers who stand in the shadow of the previous generation may revere their memory, but many have little conception of what gave their parents such character. Ironically, it can be found in the very culture that many of the boomers spent their adult lives ridiculing and repudiating. Having shattered the taboos and myths of the past, they must now confront the consequences.
Robert J. Bresler, National Affairs Editor of USA Today, is visiting professor of government, Franklin and Marshall College, Lancaster, Pa.
COPYRIGHT 2001 Society for the Advancement of Education
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