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Strategies & Market Trends : 2026 TeoTwawKi ... 2032 Darkest Interregnum
GLD 389.75+0.5%Dec 1 4:00 PM EST

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To: elmatador who wrote (84757)12/19/2011 9:03:28 PM
From: Maurice Winn2 Recommendations  Read Replies (1) of 218137
 
Prison population in China = 1.3 billion [mostly innocent people]. In USA, prison population = 2 million [of actual criminals, for the most part though there are plenty of victimless "crimes" in USA].

TJ can't afford to delve into issues Made in China because there are vast swarms of Made in China security spies dailytimes.com.pk

w ho will be reading this and reporting back to HQ that there is a secret virus ready to take over China to destroy the security apparatus via a Stuxnet style secret software syndrome. Anybody inside the realm would be in trouble if they were remotely implicated the plot.
<The rebel village of Wukan waits surrounded by what will be one of Chinese President Hu Jintao’s most far-reaching yet contested legacies: a vast build-up of the domestic security apparatus that critics say feeds the discontent it was designed to defuse.

Riot police penning in the people of Wukan in south China’s Guangdong province, who have protested for a week about farmland seized for development and the suspicious death of a village organiser, form one part of President Hu’s drive for “stability preservation” that reaches from dissidents detained in China’s capital to restive corners of the countryside. Since February, Hu has redoubled the urgency of his campaign to strengthen “social management” and pre-empt unrest before he retires from the Communist Party leadership in late 2012 and from the state presidency shortly after that. “When we look back, the defining feature of Hu Jintao’s era will be stability preservation. That will be the term through which his era is remembered. It will be his legacy,” said Cui Weiping, a 55-year-old dissident-writer in Beijing, who lives monitored by a team of security police — another part of the security drive.

“Stability preservation is the party’s defensive response to a society that is growing more fluid and assertive,” said Cui. “But the system can’t keep up with social change and public demands. That’s why they’re so anxious despite all the security spending,” she said, adding that she herself has become a prisoner to this push. “Somebody controls my cell phone, my computer and Internet, when I can step outside and when I must stay in,” Cui said.

In many ways, Wukan distills official fears. The village lies on a relatively prosperous and connected edge of the urbanising coast; not a desperate corner of the interior. Hu and other leaders have often warned officials to prepare for greater risks to party control as China’s citizens become more mobile, more connected on the Internet, more wealthy and more vocal against inequality and corruption. WhileChinese policy makers in many areas tread water before the leadership succession, security officials led by Zhou Yongkang have issued directives and held meetings every week aimed at bolstering “social management”, the party’s phrase for defusing sources of discontent and enhancing controls.

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Will China's bosses be able to figure out how the virus works and defend the realm against freedom? Unlikely.

Mqurice
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