| Philip Giraldi: Gatekeeping for Zion 
 
 Gatekeeping for Zion
 
 http://original.antiwar.com/giraldi/2013/05/09/gatekeeping-for-zion-2/
 
 
 People like myself who are either paleoconservatives or libertarians  generally base their opposition to Israel and its Lobby on the costs of  the de facto alliance, both financial and in terms of the wars  and political chaos it has triggered. We try to demonstrate how damage  to rule of law and actual U.S. interests has been a byproduct of the  relationship and seek to explain what a sane U.S. foreign policy might  actually look like, end of story. But it is different sensibility coming  from the more humanitarian inclined political left of the spectrum,  which one would assume to have a natural inclination to oppose purveyors  of oppression and human suffering. With that in mind, I would observe  it is remarkable how ineffective the left has been in mobilizing any  serious opposition to Israel’s policies.
 
 There is a kind of groupthink that might provide an explanation for  the lack of results in spite of what sometimes appears to be frenzied  activity on the part of the cluster of liberal groups that focus on the  Middle East.  Gatherings  to “Expose AIPAC” often focus on strategy and training, hardly  discussing or challenging the American Israel Public Affairs Committee  (AIPAC) at all. They also frequently fail to confront the full array of  predominantly Jewish groups actively promoting Israel to include The  Hudson Institute, WINEP, the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, MEMRI,  the American Enterprise Institute’s foreign policy wing, and the  Foundation for Defense of Democracies. The plethora of well-resourced  and actively engaged Jewish groups involved in foreign policy and more  particularly Israel promotion is a fact of life inside the Beltway and a  critical element supporting the interventionist narrative in spite of  the country as a whole becoming decidedly war weary.
 
 At the same time, most American Jews are  actually either cool or even hostile to the policies of the government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Peter Beinart has  called for a boycott of goods produced in the Israeli settlements while Jeffrey Goldberg has  denounced  a coalition partner in Netanyahu’s government, writing “The Jewish Home  party advances an ideology that will bring about the destruction (the  self-destruction) of Israel.” This reaction to the Israeli drift  rightwards politically speaking probably explains why most organizations  on the political left that are critical of Israel are themselves led by  American Jews and, to their credit, they are very outspoken regarding  Israel’s human rights violations and its policies towards the  Palestinians. But it sometimes seems that they are restrained in their  critiques, something that might be attributed to what could be referred  to as Jewish identity politics. Instead of biting the bullet and  confronting the fact that it is leading Jewish organizations and their  in-the-pocket politicians that have quite plausibly been the sine qua non  in unleashing a series of actual and impending wars against the Muslim  world, they instead sometimes serve as gatekeepers to frame and divert  an uncomfortable truth while looking for alternative explanations.
 
 Part of the problem is that even though major Jewish organizations’ support of interventionism represents what is only a  minority opinion  among Americans in general, they pretend to represent everyone who is  Jewish and have successfully sold that canard to both congress and the  media. And make no mistake, it is the financial and political muscle of  Jewish groups like Anti-Defamation League, Conference of Presidents of  Major Jewish Organizations, The American Jewish Committee, and the AIPAC  that have given the green light to the hard line Israeli governments  that have done so much damage to U.S. interests over the past decade.  Christian Zionists are highly visible and are frequently cited to  demonstrate the diversity of the Israeli Lobby, but they are largely  irrelevant in terms of the actual dynamics of the pro-Israel effort. The  reality is that no other national lobby can gather 13,000 of the  faithful to its convention and count on the enthusiastic presence of  numerous politicians from both parties as AIPAC does every year. But in  spite of the quite visible power of the Jewish organizations it is  sometimes more convenient and less troubling to look instead for other  reasons to explain Tel Aviv’s misbehavior.
 
 Progressives who are nervous about mentioning the shameless  politicking of Jewish organizations frequently parrot what I call the  Noam Chomsky  rationalization, engaging actively in criticizing Israeli behavior while at the same time blaming the Middle East farrago  on outside forces like American imperialism, capitalism, or oil. This  approach largely exonerates Israel from actual blame for what it does  and it also by extension minimizes the role of the Jewish groups that  constitute the core of the pro-Israel lobby because it is claimed that  Washington drives the Israeli government’s behavior based on its own  self-interest not vice versa. As a result, the critics seldom  question the legitimacy of the self-defined Jewish state and they are  sometimes reluctant to support any measures that would actually do  damage to Israel and its perceived interests.
 
 Norman Finkelstein, a reliable progressive critic of Israeli actions, is of the Chomsky persuasion. He  believes  that the United States would have attacked Iraq anyway based on its own  interests whether or not the fervently pro-Israel neocons had occupied  key positions in the Pentagon, National Security Council, and White  House. Finkelstein, in an  article  on the Israel Lobby, maintains that “fundamental U.S. policy in the  Middle East hasn’t been affected by the Lobby,” rejects the view that  Israel is a liability for U.S. national interests and states instead  that it is a “unique and irreplaceable American asset.” He describes  American Jewish elites as only “’pro’ an Israel that is useful to the  U.S.” He insists that the neocons do not “generally have a primary  allegiance to Israel [or] in fact, any allegiance to Israel.” The  evidence, however, suggests otherwise: even agreeing that the Iraq war  had a number of godfathers, the folks in the Pentagon and White House  who cooked the books and led the charge had extremely well documented  strong personal and even financial ties to Israel, so much so that  several of them were accused of passing classified information to the  Israeli Embassy.
 
 The shaping of the narrative to minimize the role of organizations  that are demonstrably Jewish – albeit unrepresentative of Jewish opinion  in America -has also been very effective in some media circles. An  April 2007 ninety minute  presentation  on PBS’s Frontpage with Bill Moyers “Buying the War,” a critical look  at the genesis of the Iraq invasion, did not mention Israel’s supporters  even once. And one only has consider the recent Obama trip to Israel as  well as the interrogation at the Chuck Hagel nomination, which was  driven by organizations like AIPAC from behind the scenes, to realize  that the United States government is no free agent when it comes to  Middle Eastern policy. Ignoring the dominant role of “Jewish leaders”  and the well-funded organizations that they head which falsely pretend  to represent their entire community is a convenient obfuscation if one  does not want to address causality, a bit like being concerned about  global warming without looking at the actual science.
 
 President Obama recognizes the power represented by Jewish groups acting as a cohesive and focused political entity when he  meets with them  collectively in the White House, so why the reluctance in recognizing  and confronting their persistent pro-war, pro-intervention agenda? At a  March 7th session, shortly before his trip to Israel, Obama  met with  Alan Solow, Lee Rosenberg and Michael Kassen of AIPAC; Barry  Curtiss-Lusher of the Anti-Defamation League; David Harris of the  American Jewish Committee; Jerry Silverman of Jewish Federations of  North America; Harvard Professor Alan Dershowitz; former Congressman  Robert Wexler; Dan Mariaschin of B’nai B’rith; Malcolm Hoenlein,  executive vice chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major  American Jewish Organizations; Jeremy Ben-Ami, executive director of J  Street; and Rabbi Marvin Hier, dean and founder of the Simon Wiesenthal  Center. Admittedly the linking of Jewish organizations’ easy access to  policymakers with their possible role in launching a string of failed  wars in Asia and still more in the offing on behalf of Israel makes many  people uncomfortable because it invites the dual loyalty critique and  even more extreme commentary that is ultimately racist in nature, but  there you have it. The president knows who is pulling his strings and so  should the rest of us.
 
 Americans can either confront the ugly realities of what has been  going on for the past twelve years or they can pretend that what they  are seeing is not really there. The gatekeepers are understandably  concerned lest Washington’s next war be blamed on American Jews so it is  far better to suggest against all evidence that Israel is a pawn of  American imperialism or that recent wars have been about oil or  capitalist exploitation. The reality is that if progressives (and the  rest of us) really want to stop a proxy war against Syria followed by a  catastrophic conflict with Iran we have to take the blinkers off and be  willing to confront Jewish groups like AIPAC and the ADL directly and  persistently.
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