Dorf offers a critique of  originalism, but he does not defend any alternative (or set of  alternatives).  For reasons that will become apparent, this way of  proceeding is problematic.  The question for constitutional theory is  not originalism or not originalism: the relevant question is whether  originalism is better than the alternatives.  This means that evaluation  of originalism should proceed by the method of pairwise comparison.
   Pairwise comparison requires  that originalism be compared to the alternatives: originalism versus  common law constitutionalism, originalism versus pluralism, originalism  versus moral readings, and so forth.
   For example, Dorf argues that  originalism is not more determinate than the alternatives, but his post  does not even attempt to show that this is the case.  He does argue that  originalist judges make conservative decisions, but he does not even  address the question as to what decisions they would have made if they  had adopted an alternative methodology.  For some alternatives, it seems  obvious that originalism would be more constrain--even if originalist  judges are highly imperfect.  For example, if the court operated on the  basis of the moral readings theory (advocated by Ronald Dworkin and  James Fleming) then it seems likely that the originalist judges would  have had even more conservative voting records.  Justice Scalia made  this point several times with respect to his votes in some First  Amendment and Fourth Amendment cases.
   It would be helpful if  Professor Dorf would specificy what alternative or set of alternatives  to originalism he has in mind when he claims that originalism is not  more constraining than the alternatives.
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  Dorf  believes that originalism's past demonstrates that originalist judges  are not practicing "honest originalism."  In his original post, he  relied on a study by Jessee and Malhorta.  In Part Three of my series of  posts, I demonstrated that this study does not show what Dorf asserts.   Of course, there are many other studies of judicial ideology.  For  example, the  Martin-Quinn scores  for the Justices over time also place Scalia and Thomas on the right of  the Court, with Alito sometimes ranked as more conservative than  Scalia.  But shifting to another study will not help Dorf.  For reasons  that  Ward Farnsworth has explained in depth,  Martin-Quinn scores simply will not serve the purpose to which Dorf  puts them.  These scores are not based on a data set of decisions in  which originalism plays are role, and they simply have nothing to say  about the question whether Scalia and Thomas failed to engage in "honest  originalism."  Moreover, generalizing about originalism on the basis of  decisions by two Justices has obvious problems.
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