Re <<Zelensky signed an application for Ukraine's membership to the European Union>>
Zelensky seems to be doubling-down on what irked Putin, namely to join NATO, EU, and become more of a troubling spot but located on Russia’s lower extreme in geography. The play was always dangerous, and now obviously very bad for Ukraine. He must continue to play by doubling down.
Ukraine seems to be extra sensitive than the tiny little Baltic states, and the further away Poland.
By all accounts Putin is supposed to be a good-enough game player, and if so, implicitly the answer to <<does the west think that Putin didn't game everything out?>> ought to be ‘no’.
But until we actually see Putin’s next move, assuming he doesn’t just fold, and under the circumstances I think a fair assumption, it is difficult to judge whether Putin is bad, fair, good, or brilliant at game play.
This is how war gets started, and I misunderstood the degree to which Team Russia is committed to assure safety for self, and the degree to which Zelensky is willing to sacrifice Ukraine.
Now NATO / EU / USA must demo they did not do a rug-pull to the Ukraine as did in Afghanistan. It is just as well a rug-pull was done in Afghanistan because else very busy now.
Question then, meaning now, becomes what’s next by Putin, and Biden, since only they can stop the war. All others are minor actors, extras, or observers.
Here below is a piece of advice from Bloomberg to Biden, premised on take that Biden is in charge of Biden, and until we know otherwise, a good premise or the only premise we can safely go by.
Am agnostic, but open minded, let’s see.
bloomberg.com
How Ukraine Changes Biden’s State of the Union Speech
No one would have wished for this opportunity for a reset, but the president should seize it.
Clive CrookMarch 1, 2022, 1:00 AM GMT+8
Time for a do-over.
Photographer: Melina Mara/Getty Images North America
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has required fresh drafts of President Joe Biden’s State of the Union address, scheduled for tomorrow night. Over the past week, the country’s perception of the world — and America’s place in it — has radically changed. No sane person would have wished for this opportunity to reset the Biden presidency, but it’s such a moment nonetheless.
If Biden can convey the necessary sense of gravity and common purpose, his speech could start to correct some of the political mistakes he’s made in his first year.
His encompassing error was to take sides in a cultural civil war that has divided the country and blinded it to its most pressing national interests. The assault on Ukraine shows that the world is still a dangerous place. It proves how badly the U.S. can harm itself and others by believing otherwise. And it demonstrates that a strong and self-confident America — which means a sufficiently united America — is a national-security imperative.
Biden was nominated and elected as a pragmatic, deal-making centrist. He has not been that. In office, he chose to marry unbounded domestic-policy ambitions to a social-justice narrative that the median voter simply doesn’t accept — a formula for division and paralysis, and for his own collapsing support.
His reinvention didn’t just call his credibility into question; it also supported alternative theories, even more threatening to his ability to lead. Perhaps he simply forgot what he used to be. Or maybe he was captured by the hard left of the Democratic Party and found himself trapped. For years Biden has been known for gaffes and confusion. When questioned, he often retreats to prickly defensiveness. This too suggests he’s not in command.
Linking proposals like Build Back Better to the hard left’s radical critique of American capitalism had another big drawback: It made compromise look like defeat. To the true believer, incremental progress is worse than none, because it risks stabilizing an unacceptable state of affairs. The White House could have celebrated successes such as the bipartisan infrastructure bill and denounced those in the party who called it a sell-out. It did the first without conviction and the second not at all, further entrenching the politics of division.
On the issue of higher inflation, the president has moved from saying it was expected and would be temporary to blaming it on the greed of American businesses and proposing more regulation and spending as remedies. Again, he defaulted to an anti-capitalist narrative. It would be better for the economy, and better politics, for Biden to say what’s true: that with hindsight it’s clear the fiscal stimulus in the American Rescue Plan was too big, but that erring on the other side would have been worse; that inflation will come down as supply-side blockages ease; and that the Federal Reserve is on the case.
On other elements of the cultural-left prospectus — defunding the police, defeating White supremacy, empowering teachers’ unions over parents — Biden has wavered. He hasn’t voiced outright support for the left’s positions, but neither has he allied with the median voter. His speech in Atlanta on voting rights cast critics of the Democrats’ proposals as bigots. His spending proposals are packed with accommodations for the unions, with teachers’ unions a particular favorite.
He was handed an easy opportunity to distance himself from the more toxic varieties of the hard left’s value system when parents in impeccably blue San Francisco voted earlier this month by enormous margins to sackthree extremists from their school board. This was the board that kept schools closed despite parents’ wishes and occupied its time by planning to rename schools named for problematic figures such as Abraham Lincoln and Dianne Feinstein. The city’s progressive mayor sided with the aggrieved parents — but the White House vacillated.
Russia’s waging of war in Europe is in a somewhat more serious category of threat than the cultural left’s nonsense in San Francisco. The assault on Ukraine doesn’t just give Biden another chance to reinvent his presidency; it also makes the need for that reinvention indisputable. Starting now, he should do what he promised, and try to bring the country together around widely shared goals.
Even if he fails, he and the Democrats still retain one huge advantage heading into the midterms and, especially, 2024: Donald Trump. The bewildered median voter would then have a difficult choice: Republicans in thrall to a detestable leader, or Democrats in thrall to a sick ideology. Biden could make things a lot easier for that voter by recasting his presidency and helping his party and the country come to their senses.
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
To contact the author of this story:
Clive Crook at ccrook5@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Michael Newman at mnewman43@bloomberg.net
Sent from my iPad |
