Blast from the past:
            washingtonpost.com         
           Obamacare has been unable to save money on U.S. health care          Megan McArdle             Given  the high cost of the U.S. health-care system, it’s natural to assume  there must be some easy way to make sizable cuts. After all, in 2022,  the United States spent 16.6 percent of its gross domestic product on  health care, while the next-highest spender, Germany, spent only 12.7  percent,  according to figures  from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. It’s  not as if Germans are dying in the streets for lack of care, so it seems  obvious that we could cut at least one-quarter of our spending to no  ill effect.
  As  the Affordable Care Act took shape almost 15 years ago, its architects  started looking for those savings in earnest, pursuing various theories  about where they might be found. Somewhat skeptically, I started calling  this the hunt for a “ magic pot of money” that could be surgically excised without making anyone worse off.
  All these years later, we still haven’t found the magic money pot.
  This  is not because people haven’t tried hard enough. Obamacare contained a  lot of elements that were expected to realize significant cost savings  while actually improving the quality of care.
  Preventive  care, it was hoped, could catch conditions early and forestall  expensive emergency room visits. (It’s a lot cheaper to treat high blood  pressure than a stroke.) Doctors and hospitals could be paid to keep  patients healthy, rather than to perform expensive procedures. A  government board somewhat akin to Britain’s National Institute for  Health and Care Excellence could rigorously assess treatments for  cost-effectiveness. An innovation center would experiment with new  models of care to drive further reforms.
  This  innovation center, known as the Center for Medicare and Medicaid  Innovation (CMMI), would run pilot projects aimed at reducing costs or  improving the quality of care, saving the government roughly $2.8  billion in its first decade of operation, the Congressional Budget  Office (CBO) estimated.
  That’s not a huge sum in the context of overall health-care budgets — Medicare spent  almost $750 billion in the 2022 fiscal year — but it was a move in the right direction, and it was taking place in the context of  other reforms,  including accountable care organizations (ACOs), that would nudge the  health-care system toward higher quality and lower costs. Moreover, the  savings would be cumulative, as would be CMMI’s expanding expertise at  improving the health system.
  Unfortunately, though, in its first decade, the CMMI ended up  costing the government  about $5.4 billion, and it is expected to cost another $1.3 billion by  2030. Nor is the CMMI the only initiative that failed in this way. In a  June letter to Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), the  CBO reported  that “overall, the evidence about the effects of ACOs on Medicare  spending is mixed.” Translated from Wonkese, this means it was hard to  tell whether ACOs produced significant savings.
  Preventive care turned out to  cost more than it saved, in part because doctors may need to treat a lot  of minor conditions to prevent one serious health crisis. Expanding the  number of insured turns out to make emergency room visits rise, not  fall, because newly insured people worry less about the cost. A program  to reduce hospital readmissions among Medicare patients  may have killed  thousands, as hospitals tried to avoid admitting patients who might  trigger a readmission penalty. A plan to promote new insurance co-ops, a  kind of voluntary public option, saw almost all of them  fail within six years.
  This  is not to say that all the Obamacare programs were worthless. (Okay,  the one that may have killed people was bad.) But part of innovating is  risking failure. What this demonstrates is how hard it is to actually  change the system in ways that generate major savings.
  It’s  not that we don’t know ways to save money. The system could be run more  efficiently by reducing slack, but this would make people wait longer  for many tests and treatments, as  Canadians and  Brits do. Doctor salaries, which  averaged $316,000 in 2021,  could be trimmed to the levels of German doctors ($183,000) or those in  Britain ($138,000). The government could mandate lower drug prices,  which would result in Americans losing access to medicines that aren’t  worth making  at the mandated price, as well as many that  aren’t yet developed.
  The  problem is that these savings aren’t free. Nor are many other potential  savings that space prevents me from naming, and that you are perhaps  even now preparing to shoot me an email about.
  The  savings come attached to significant other costs, making them too  politically expensive to contemplate. Try to cut doctors’ salaries  almost in half, and they will freak out. Tell everyone else that they  can’t have the fancy new drug they just read about, or that they have to  wait half a year to see a specialist, and they will freak out, too.  Politicians know this and won’t take the risk. Which is why the wonks  hunting for magic pots of money have mostly turned out to be chasing  rainbows.
                          
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