Three   years ago today, President Joe Biden signed into law the Infrastructure   Investment and Jobs Act, more popularly known as the Bipartisan   Infrastructure Act. That law called for approximately $1.2 trillion in   spending, about $550 billion newly authorized spending on top of regular   expenditures. As Biden noted today, it was “the largest investment in   our nation’s infrastructure in a generation.” 
  In   the past three years, the Biden administration launched more than   66,000 projects across the country, repairing 196,000 miles of roads and   11,400 bridges, as well as replacing 367,000 lead pipes and modernizing   ports and airports. Today the administration announced an additional   $1.5 billion in funding for railroads along the Northeast Corridor,   which carries five times more passengers a day than all the flights   between Washington, D.C., and New York City. 
  In   his first term, Trump had promised a bill to address the country’s   long-neglected infrastructure, but his inability to get that done made   “infrastructure week” a joke. Biden got a major bill passed, but while   the administration nicknamed the law the “Big Deal,” Biden got very   little credit for it politically. Republicans who had voted against the   measure took credit for the projects it funded, and voters seemed not to   factor in the jobs and improvements it brought when they went to the   polls last week. 
  This   lack of credit has implications beyond the Biden administration. As   economist Mark Zandi told Joel Rose of NPR, “We need better   infrastructure. We should continue to invest. But that's going to be   hard to do politically because lawmakers are seeing what's happening   here and they’re not getting credit for it.”
  Meanwhile,   President-elect Trump has been rapidly naming people he intends to   nominate for his cabinet, and it is not going well. As Brian Tyler Cohen   wrote on Bluesky: “The same people who’ve spent the last several years   decrying ‘unqualified DEI hires’ are now shoehorning through Cabinet   nominations who can’t even pass a basic background test.”
  Cohen   was not joking; Evan Perez, Zachary Cohen, Holmes Lybrand, and Kristen   Holmes of CNN reported today that Trump’s transition team is skipping   background checks by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, claiming that   they are slow and intrusive.
  But that lack of background checks has already mired Trump’s picks in controversy. 
  Trump has said he would nominate Pete Hegseth, an Army National Guard veteran and co-host on the weekend edition of Fox & Friends,   to become the secretary of defense. Since that announcement, news has   broken that a fellow service member who was the unit’s security guard   and on an anti-terrorism team flagged Hegseth to their unit’s leadership   because one of his tattoos is used by white supremacists. Extremist   tattoos are prohibited by army regulations.
  News   broke today that a woman accused Hegseth of sexually assaulting her   after a Republican conference in Monterey, California, in 2017.   According to Michael Kranish, Josh Dawsey, Jonathan O’Connell, Dan   Lamothe, and John Hudson of the Washington Post, the woman who made the allegation said the alleged victim had signed a nondisclosure agreement with Hegseth. 
  Now   the transition team fears more revelations. “There’s a lot of   frustration around this,” a member of the transition team told the Washington Post reporters. “He hadn’t been properly vetted.”
  Causing   even more headaches today for the transition team was Trump’s   appointment of former Florida representative Matt Gaetz to become the   United States attorney general. Immediately after Trump said he would   nominate Gaetz, the representative resigned his congressional seat,   forestalling the release of a House Ethics Committee report concerning   allegations of drug use and that Gaetz had taken a minor across state   lines for sex.
  It is reported that the victim, who was a seventeen-year-old high-schooler at the time, testified before the committee. 
  After   spending an evening with Trump at Mar-a-Lago, House speaker Mike   Johnson (R-LA) said that publishing the report would be “terrible” and   that he would “strongly request that the Ethics Committee not issue the   report because that’s not the way we do things in the House.” 
  This,   despite the fact that, as historian Kevin Kruse noted, “[f]or years   now, the right has been accusing Democrats of running a shadowy   conspiracy to protect politicians who are sex predators.” And, in fact,   the House Ethics Committee did release a report on Representative   William Boner (D-TN) in 1987 for allegations of corruption after he had   already resigned the office to become mayor of Nashville.  
  And   then there is Trump’s tapping of former Hawaii representative Tulsi   Gabbard to be director of national intelligence (DNI). Gabbard’s ties to   America’s adversaries, including Russia’s president Vladimir Putin and   Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, have raised serious questions about   her loyalty. Making her the country’s DNI would almost certainly   collapse ongoing U.S. participation in the Five Eyes intelligence   alliance in which the U.S., the U.K., Canada, Australia, and New Zealand   have shared intelligence since World War II. 
  As   former Illinois representative Joe Walsh wrote: “Donald Trump just   picked someone to oversee our intelligence who, herself, couldn’t pass a   security clearance check. She couldn’t get security clearance. She   couldn’t get a job in our intelligence community. Because she’s too   compromised by Russia. Yet Trump picked her to run the whole thing.”
  Trump   appears eager to demonstrate his control of Republicans in the Senate   by ramming through appointments that will collapse the rule of law at   home (Gaetz) and the international rules-based order globally (Hegseth   and Gabbard). When Texas senator John Cornyn said he would like to see   the Gaetz report, Trump loyalist Steve Bannon said: “You either get with   the program, brother, or you're going to finish third in your primary.”   A member of Trump’s transition team said that Trump wants to bend   Republican senators to his will “until they snap in half.”
  Despite   the fact the Republicans will hold a majority in the Senate when Trump   takes office, Trump’s picks are so deeply flawed and dangerous that   Trump and his team knew they would not get confirmed. So they demanded   that Republicans in the Senate give up their constitutional power of   advising the president on high-level appointments and consenting to his   picks: the “advice and consent” requirement of the Constitution. 
  Trump demanded that the Senate recess in order for him to push through his choices as recess appointments. Even the right-wing Wall Street Journal   editorial board came out against this scheme, calling it   “anti-constitutional” and noting that it would “eliminate one of the   basic checks on power that the Founders built into the American system   of government.”
  Now,   in order to bring senators to heel, the Trump team is threatening to   start its own super PAC to undermine the existing Senate Leadership   Fund, whose leaders they insist are not loyal enough to Trump. A person   close to Trump said that Senate Republican leaders “should reflect   current leadership and the future, not the past.” “It doesn’t make   sense,” one Republican operative told Politico’s   Natalie Allison, Ally Mutnick, and Adam Wren. “Trump just had this   massive win and now they are bringing in this Never Trumper.” 
  But   for all the spin, the political calculation for Republican senators is   not as clear as the Trump team is trying to project. At 78, Trump is not   exactly the face of the party’s future. Nor did he deliver a “massive   win.” He won less than 50% of the popular vote with many voters   apparently unaware of his policies, and while the Republicans did retake   the Senate majority, they did so with very little help—financial or   otherwise—from him. Republicans will have as bad a map in the 2026   midterm elections as the Democrats had in 2024, and Trump’s voters tend   to be loyal to him and no one else, generally not turning out in   midterms.
  It   is also possible that, aside from political calculations, enough Senate   Republicans take seriously their oaths to “support and defend the   Constitution of the United States” as well as the Senate’s role in the   constitutional system of checks and balances that they will judge   Trump’s antics with that in mind. 
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