Global Intelligence Update August 21, 1998
[We normally do not use waste your time blowing our horn, but we decided to indulge ourselves a little. Our readers will recall that on August 10 we stated that Osama Bin Laden was responsible for the embassy bombings. We had lots of company on that. We also said that Sudan was working with Bin Laden. We were pretty much alone on that, at least in public. Today's air strikes confirm the STRATFOR analysis. We would like to remind you that there is a third element in our equation: Iraq. Since our job is to forecast, and not to pat ourselves on the back, it's back to work for us.]
Russia Draws "Red Line" Against NATO
Russian President Boris Yeltsin's Aide for International Affairs, Sergei Prikhodko, told the Russian news agency ITAR-TASS on August 18 that "There is a `red line' for Russia which cannot allow the crossing of that line. Should a question about the admission to NATO of any of the countries located in the territory of the former Soviet Union be put on a practical plane, a revision of relations with NATO will become inevitable." He said Moscow was "concerned about the attempts to impose a NATO-centered concept of the creation of new architecture of the European security." Prikhodko added that Moscow is also concerned about the U.S. tendency to use unilateral force to solve international crises. Specifically, he spoke out against the prospect for NATO to intervene in Kosovo without first consulting the UN Security Counsel, "whose relative charter prerogatives are one of the cornerstones of the entire modern system of international relations."
According to Prikhodko, President Yeltsin "is in the mood for the most serious work" during the upcoming summit with U.S. President Bill Clinton from September 1 to 3 in Moscow. Yeltsin is certain to raise the topic of NATO expansion during the talks, particularly the prospects for membership in NATO for the Baltic states or Ukraine. Yeltsin will be seeking some sign of retreat from Clinton on NATO expansion, especially as Yeltsin will be holding a summit with Ukranian President Leonid Kuchma on September 18 and 19 in Kharkiv. Any evidence of weakened U.S. commitment to Ukraine coming out of the Moscow summit will give Yeltsin a great advantage in the Kharkiv talks.
Two things emerge from Prikhodko's statements to ITAR-TASS. First, Russia is ever more explicitly behaving as if the boundaries of the former Soviet Union are its own. This process was accelerated recently in Central Asia, as Taleban advances in Afghanistan caused the former Soviet Central Asian republics to call on Moscow for military aid. Now Russia is attempting to solidify its sphere of influence in the west, though this time without invitation. Besides demanding that NATO abandon thoughts of including the Baltics, Russia is playing pressure politics in the region. In the midst of border demarcation negotiations with Latvia, Russia has launched the largest military exercises along the Latvian border since Latvia's independence in 1991. Subtlety is not Moscow's forte.
The second feature highlighted by the "red line" commentary is the significant role played by Prikhodko in Yeltsin's foreign relations. Rather than relying on the Foreign Ministry, Yeltsin appears to be holding his foreign policy decisions close to the vest. Prikhodko was one of only three of Yeltsin's aides to survive a presidential staff shakeup in May. Since then, he has been Yeltsin's point man on the missile deal with Cyprus, the crisis in Yugoslavia, and the summits with Clinton and Kuchma. It may be that Prikhodko is silently powerful within the Kremlin or, more likely, that he is merely trusted to carry out the decisions that Yeltsin is making more and more on his own.
An embattled Yeltsin will meet an embattled Clinton on September 1. Both have to appear tough, Clinton to cover his shattered domestic image with the cloak of foreign policy leadership, and Yeltsin to do essentially the same. With his economy crumbling around him, Yeltsin must play the strong nationalist-imperialist card, lest his opponents play it against him. For Yeltsin to retain control of the political situation in Russia, the "red line" must not be crossed.
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