Wiranto Emerging as Serious Presidential Contender
Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI) commander, General Wiranto, may
end up as Indonesia's ruling Golkar party's presidential nominee,
according to Golkar deputy chairman Marzuki Darusman. It has
been widely reported that current president B.J. Habibie has
Golkar's nomination effectively wrapped up. But Darusman, who is
also leader of the Golkar faction in parliament and chairman of
the Golkar Leaders' Council, said that Golkar was deeply divided
over Habibie and other potential nominees, and could disintegrate
unless it finds a consensus candidate. "There is only one
candidate who has wide support and that is, ironically, Wiranto,"
said Darusman.
Darusman said Wiranto has a good working relationship with major
opposition parties and student groups. "Wiranto is a good
person, easy to get along with, and is well connected, including
his connections with [former] president Suharto," said Darusman.
Golkar does not plan to officially select its presidential
candidate until after the June 7 parliamentary elections, and the
president will not be chosen by parliament until November. But
in his statements in support of Wiranto, Darusman identified the
key power brokers that will help determine who becomes
Indonesia's next president -- opposition leaders, student
demonstrators, and Suharto.
Neither the once almighty and now largely discredited Golkar nor
the host of opposition parties that sprang up in the wake of
Suharto's resignation will be able to muster a ruling majority.
Golkar is optimistically expecting around 20 percent of the vote.
Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-Struggle party and Amien Rais'
largely Moslem National Mandate Party are seen as the biggest
opposition contenders, though it is questionable as to whether
they can muster as much support as Golkar. This means that,
whatever the outcome of the parliamentary election, the president
will have to have cross-party appeal.
Wiranto would seem at first to be an odd choice, since he heads
ABRI, long seen as a tool of oppression in the hands of Suharto.
But Wiranto has been levelheaded and apparently fair and honest
in his handling of ABRI since Suharto's departure, and with
violence currently ripping the country apart, Indonesians may
soon become sentimental for the unity and stability ABRI once
represented and guaranteed. Moreover, Wiranto responded quickly
to Abdurrahman Wahid's call last year for a dialogue of
reconciliation among Indonesia's elites and has maintained steady
contact with Wahid since then. Wahid is head of Indonesia's
largest Moslem organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and is the
presidential candidate for his own National Awakening Party. He
is also likely to be one of the main power broker between the
June and November elections.
If Wiranto does, in fact, enjoy good relations with the
legitimate student organizations, he could only boost his
credibility in keeping mass unrest in Indonesia's major cities in
check. However, while the legitimate student organizations
provide the masses in the street, much of the violence has
apparently been sparked by instigators, tools of the "Third
Force" many see trying to destabilize the country and undermine
the elections. From the mass murders in Eastern and Western
Java, to the arming of opponents of an independent East Timor,
from the riots that led to Suharto's resignation and the murders
of student demonstrators last fall, to the religious and ethnic
feuds across Indonesia, there is the unshakeable taint of
manipulation and instigation. Most signs point to Suharto, and
his supporters in the military, as the force behind the Third
Force.
If Suharto is indeed behind much, or even some, of the chaos
sweeping Indonesia, he is clearly a major potential power broker
before, during, and after the upcoming elections. His legacy
taints all Golkar candidates, though Habibie is seen by many as
his heir apparent. Still, Habibie is apparently damned from both
sides when it comes to Suharto, as Suharto's lawyers have
threatened to expose Habibie for corruption in retaliation for
Habibie's investigation and trial of Suharto's relatives.
Suharto can certainly undermine Habibie. If he is behind the
Third Force, he can disrupt the elections. He may also be able
to give Wiranto substantial direct support, should he choose to
do so. So Darusman, though reputedly not a Habibie fan, may ahve
a legitimate point -- with the support of students, Wahid, and
Suharto, Wiranto may have what it takes not only to be Golkar's
candidate, but to be Indonesia's next president.
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