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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: jlallen who wrote (12999)6/27/1999 4:10:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
For the record, I am not related to the dead George Papadopoulos<g>

At least I got these questions off my back. The only one left is if people would stop saying "Oh, just like in Webster" when they hear my name<ggg>

Times of India
Saturday 5 June 1999
Editorial

Law the Loser

Although the peace agreement worked out between the US, Russia and the EU and
imposed on Yugoslavia contains many elements that are distasteful to Belgrade, it
is international law that has undoubtedly emerged as the biggest loser. For 72
days, NATO warplanes and missiles relentlessly bombarded a small nation of 11
million, killing more than 1,500 civilians, wounding several thousands more and
destroying close to 100 billion dollars worth of property. Consequent to the
bombing and to the unpardonable actions of Serb troops, more than 800,000 Kosovar
Albanians fled their homes and took refuge in neighbouring countries.

With so much destruction and displacement having taken place as a result of NATO's
armed aggression, the international community is entitled to ask why the agreement
which was finally reached on Thursday could not have been hammered out much
earlier. Though NATO leaders argue that the fault lies entirely with Yugoslav
president Slobodan Milosevic, the fact of the matter is that NATO's intransigence
was equally if not more to blame. From the time of the Rambouillet 'accords', the
US had been insisting on two key conditions: the imposition of NATO political and
military control over the Yugoslav province of Kosovo, and the right of the
Kosovar Albanian population to secede after a transition period of three years.
For Belgrade, these conditions were impossible to fulfil and it was only when the
US was persuaded by its Russian and European interlocutors to drop these two
demands that a peace agreement became possible.

Under the terms of the Ahtisaari-Chernomyrdin plan, Yugoslav forces are to leave
Kosovo in a phased manner. As soon as the pull-out begins, NATO's bombing campaign
must be halted. Next, peacekeeping troops mandated by the UN Security Council will
enter Kosovo to enable the ethnic Albanian refugees to return to their homes.
Though the precise composition and command structure of the force is to be the
subject of further negotiations between Yugoslavia and the UN, Belgrade has agreed
to allow NATO troops an ''essential'' role. The territorial integrity of
Yugoslavia has also been affirmed, unlike Rambouillet, although how effectively
Belgrade will be able to exercise its sovereignty over Kosovo with NATO troops in
the province remains to be seen. The Kosovo Liberation Army has said it will abide
by the latest peace agreement -- which calls for its disarmament -- but there is
no reason to assume its drive for independence is to be abandoned.

The Serbs of Kosovo will not trust any NATO peacekeepers and their exodus from the
beleaguered region cannot entirely be ruled out. If the peace agreement is to have
a fair chance of working, it is essential that the UN Security Council draft a
resolution that is balanced and impartial and not riven by the political
objectives of the US and its allies. Russia, whose role so far has been
questionable to say the least, must not let Washington completely trample over all
principles of international law. The International Court of Justice did not grant
Yugoslavia's plea for a halt to the bombing on a technicality but it did hint that
the military alliance's use of force was illegal. If the US is able to get away
with such blatant misuse of military power, no nation or region can regard itself
as safe.

Operation Allied Force may have pacified Kosovo for NATO but the rest of the world
is now wondering who will pacify NATO.




To: jlallen who wrote (12999)6/27/1999 4:18:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
The New York Times
June 11, 1999
nytimes.com

ON MY MIND

Fruits of Victory
By A.M. ROSENTHAL
But -- why aren't we celebrating?

After all, we won, didn't we? The Kosovars will get to go home, won't they?

Well, yes, we did encourage Slobodan Milosevic to drive them from those homes by
giving him advance notice of when we would attack and assuring him not to worry
about our sending in troops.

All right, all right, those were mistakes; shut up about them. At least now the
million or so Kosovars we were supposed to be helping can pick up lives in their
broken homes in smashed villages. Can't they?

And somebody will put up the money to fix up the homes. Isn't that so, perhaps?

Then there will be real peace, won't there? Naturally, to keep the Kosovars and
Serbs from killing each other, we will have to maintain enough troops there for --
oh, for about a generation.

But we are already doing that in Bosnia, so what is the big deal about sending off
7,000 or so more Americans -- to start with -- to Yugoslavia? Let's not be petty
about that; we are into the Balkan wars far too deep to quibble.

Maybe it won't be dangerous duty. The Kosovar army of Yugoslav citizens who count
themselves Albanians won't take advantage of the departure of Serbian forces to
take revenge on civilian Serbs. Will it?

And the Serbs in Serbia -- they won't harbor a grudge against us, will they, for
bombing their power plants, their factories, homes, hospitals, bridges and of
course relatives, with a destructiveness only the Germans had achieved against the
Serbs, in World War II?

Maybe they will forgive what the Germans did to them. About that time, they and
their children will forgive us too, isn't that possible?

And the upside! Look at what we win. We saved NATO's face and President Clinton's,
and Madeleine Albright's. Her mouth foretold a quickie war. Maybe actually not
saved their faces -- but at least wiped them off a bit.

So we will be able to walk tall in the world for bombing Serbia into slivers. I
mean, when the fear of America dies down in some countries that one day we will
fly over their lands to bomb them into submission for not carrying out our orders.

You know, countries like India that are not about to surrender Kashmir without
all-out war, or Israel, whose mind it has crossed that if NATO could bomb a
neighbor that had not attacked its members first, why shouldn't the Arab League
exercise the same privilege against Israel and eventually ask the U.N. for
approval?

And remember -- we have indicted Milosevic for war crimes. Yes, the fact that we
never indicted Franjo Tudjman of Croatia, our own private dictator, for driving
300,000 Serbs out, is embarrassing. But at least the Serbian killer will have to
spend his vacations at home, or maybe someplace in Russia.

Maybe all that is why we are not celebrating the great victory. People like
myself, who have spent years struggling to get our country to use its political
and economic power for human rights, saw its leaders bumble into another Balkan
war using bombs instead of the brains God should have given them. The Bosnian
frightfulness has wound up in the partition that without foreign interference
Muslims, Croats and Serbs could have had a decade ago, without war.

We have seen our country launch a war, first by futile ultimatum, then by a
slovenly planned war that from the beginning brought more suffering to Kosovars
and Serbian civilians than to Milosevic and his troops. Far too many Americans
wrote and talked of Serbs, our allies in battles we should remember, as if they
were bugs.

To those Kosovars who will return or seek safe lives elsewhere, for Serbs who will
one day eliminate Milosevic, go our embraces. To Mr. Clinton and his fellow
"leaders" -- our contempt for their human and security "values."

While Mr. Clinton and his NATO comrades were busy bombing Serbia and Kosovo they
were permitting the destruction of the U.N. arms inspection of Iraq -- the one
barrier against Saddam Hussein's path to nuclear, biological and chemical weapons.

That is a disaster for all nations, for all human rights struggles. If America
remembers the Clinton-Albright bungling in Iraq, China and Yugoslavia, and demands
that any Presidential or senatorial candidate separate from them, we may have
reason for some satisfaction -- but for champagne and parades, none.