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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (14102)8/20/1999 11:54:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
this is who we helped in the name of humanity!

Is Kosovo peace crumbling?
======================

Two months after Nato troops entered Pristina,
Peter Beaumont returns to find the mafia,
KLA and police engaged in a murderous
struggle for power

Sunday August 15, 1999
The Observer
newsunlimited.co.uk

The bombers of Lipljan are children. The makeshift jail, in a
battered police station now home to the British Army's Royal
Military Police, was once a stronghold for President Slobodan
Milosevic's special forces. Now its cells hold two 15-year-old
girls, detained in connection with a series of grenade attacks
that terrorised the town's remaining Serbs.

Their alleged crime is a dark mirror to methods of the Serb
Police and paramilitaries during their reign of terror in the 15
months before Nato forces arrived in Kosovo in June. The only
difference this time on the roundabout of Balkan violence is that
the bombers of Lipljan are ethnic Albanians. But their mission
had a chillingly familiar ring - to drive the remaining families
from the other side of the sectarian divide out of the town, and
Kosovo, for good.

The age of the members of the gang so far arrested has shocked
the British military police involved. Of the 16 they detained in
connection with a spate of more than 20 'fraggings' of Serb
businesses and homes in barely three weeks, 12 were aged 19 or
under. Last week, the bombings reached their peak with seven
grenade attacks in a single day before military police moved in
to break up the gang.

But for all their youth, the attacks in Lipljan were carefully
planned, not by the children who committed them but by the
gangsters who convinced the teenagers to perpetrate them.
Persuaded by figures in the ethnic Albanian mafia that they had
been recruited to cleanse their 'country' and create an
ethnically pure Kosovo rid of its Serbs, the girls agreed to be
used as couriers to transport grenades from the Albanian border
to the little town just south of Kosovo's de facto capital
Pristina. The girls would carry them into the town in handbags -
aware that the British soldiers would not search them - or gave
them to even younger children to transport.

There the grenades were stored by 'quartermasters' until needed
in attacks against the remaining 4,000 Serbs, in a town where
Serbians once made up more than 80 per cent of the population and
now make up barely half. Most sinister of all, however, is how
the attacks were carried out: with the teenagers sent out in
pairs masquerading as promenading lovers - the first pair to make
sure the coast was clear of British troops from the K-For
peacekeeping force, while the other hurled the grenades. When
Nato troops arrived the bombers would suddenly appear beside the
soldiers, presenting themselves as distraught witnesses of yet
another atrocity in the Balkan cycle.

But the truth behind this series of attacks in Lipljan, and
elsewhere in the province, is more cynical than simply an upsurge
in the sectarian attacks by young hotheads on a minority
population that - as the Balkan wheel has turned again - has
suddenly found itself the vulnerable one.

Instead, investigators believe, the Albanian mafia, posing as
freedom fighters, have turned the 'ethnic cleansing' of Kosovo
into a lucrative business. 'These kids believed that they were
working for figures in the Kosovo Liberation Army, and were
engaged in revenge attacks on Serbs,' said one source familiar
with the bombings.

'They were young and impressionable. They were all fired up. But
the truth is that they were being manipulated by the mafia for a
housing scam with access to the vacant properties being sold on
to homeless ethnic Albanians for 400 deutschmarks a time.'

The sinister pattern of violence against the remaining Serb
population has created an atmosphere of febrile crisis for the
international community whose policing of Kosovo's imperfect
peace has come under the spotlight. After three months of Nato
bombs to stop this kind of killing and expulsions, many are now
asking whether the war with Yugoslavia happened simply to allow
the ethnic Albanians to turn from victim into victimiser in
pursuit of independence.

The violence has sickened many who thought the province had
offered up all that it could from the well of inhumanity. But
recent weeks have seen new atrocities that - if not equal to the
fury of the Serb ethnic cleansing in March and April - are
strikingly familiar. Most shocking of all has been a series of
murders of elderly Serb women, shot through their doors in
Pristina, strangled, even drowned in their own baths, if they
refused to leave and give up their homes to men describing
themselves as representatives of the KLA.

'The truth,' said one aid worker, 'is that we are in the key
period for the survival for the last remnants of the Serb
community. There are probably less than 2,000 left in Pristina,
and more are leaving every day. People are trying to keep it
quiet, but we are aware that daily the Serb community is
organising transports out of the city of up to 50 people a day.

'With only 2,000 left at most out of 30,000 before the war it
doesn't take a lot to work out that soon the city could be empty
of its Serbs. And when Pristina is ethnically clean of its Serbs,
that sends a powerful message to the other Serb enclaves trying
to hang on.'

With only 22,000 remaining of the 200,000 Serbs who once made the
province their home, the question that many aid workers, military
and diplomats are privately asking is whether there will be any
Serbs left in 12 months time.

It is a message that has been rammed home by Ron Redmond, senior
spokesman in Pristina for the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees, who last week said the elderly remnants of the Serb
population in Pristina, which once numbered almost 40,000, were
the victims of sustained attacks, killings and intimidation.

'Conditions for those who have remained have noticeably worsened
over the last few weeks. A disturbing pattern has arisen against
Serbs still in the city,' said Redmond. That pattern is described
by Ruma Mandal, a protection officer with the UNHCR, who has been
studying the method of the killing and expulsions.

'We are aware of concerted efforts to remove remaining Serb
individuals and whole families from the apartment blocks in which
they live,' said Mandal. 'Typically, they first receive a letter
telling them to go, followed by a personal visit setting a
deadline. In some cases this is repeated throughout the entire
block.'

Mandal and other officers working in the city and elsewhere have
recently become aware of a new dimension of the expulsions -
quasi-legal documents posted under doors of those being warned to
leave. One - seen by The Observer - describes itself as an
'Internal Tenancy Agreement' including a licence number and
spaces for witnesses to sign. It is effectively a piece of paper
inviting the Serbs to give up their homes. 'We have seen a number
of these,' says Ruma Mandal. 'We are aware that in some cases
these have been sent to all the Serb occupants of a block. It is
simply another form of intimidation.'

But despite the way that those intimidating the Serb occupants
have described themselves as belonging to the KLA, even appearing
in uniform on visits to their victims and scrawling the letters
'UCK' (the Albanian acronym for KLA) on the door of their
victims, senior K-For officers - including military police - are
sceptical that the KLA is organising the attacks.

'It is a complete and utter sham,' said one senior British
military policeman. 'The point that we want to make - that we
have learned from our investigations - is that these are acts of
utter criminality. These people are gangsters who are using the
cover of the KLA to operate. We have found no formal links with
the real KLA.'

It is a version of events that is contradicted by other sources
who claim that, of 15 ethnic Albanians arrested for intimidation
last week, 11 were carrying cards identifying themselves as
members of the PU, the KLA's military police.

In Lipljan too, the same identity cards have been uncovered,
although local commanders claim no knowledge of those arrested.
'The problem,' said one Western diplomat, 'is that we simply
don't know if these people are KLA or not, even whether the cards
are genuine. Certainly the intimidation is being organised, by
whom and at what level we simply do not know.'

But the KLA's version of events - that criminals are abusing its
good name - does have support from the unlikeliest of sources.
Bishop Artimiye of the Serbian Orthodox Church is not convinced
the KLA is responsible but blames the organisation for not
stamping down on renegades and criminals using its name.

It is an issue that has cause deep discomfort for senior figures
in the former rebel army who, when challenged over why they
cannot police their own community, avoid the question.

For the truth is that, whoever is behind the intimidation, the
attacks on the surviving members of the Serb population are
tacitly accepted by a considerable proportion of the ethnic
Albanian community, happy to see the Serbs thrown out and
complicit in their wider persecution. While the military police
can intervene in areas of crime, they are powerless against the
wider discrimination that has rapidly emerged into Kosovo's
vacuum of power.

Most Serbs feel too frightened now to venture out of their homes
or the fresh-minted Serb ghettos. Indeed, in some areas of the
capital the problem has become so acute that UNHCR has had to
start delivering food to Serbs at home to prevent starvation.

Among them is book keeper Stanka Lalic, who gave up the fight to
stay in Pristina last week, fleeing to a relative's house in
Lipljan. But even there, in the heart of the Serbian community,
she does not feel safe. Now she is contemplating escaping Kosovo
to join her daughters in Serbia proper.

'I feel like crying when I see what has happened to my life,' she
says. 'We were told to leave our flat, and when I tried to go to
work the security men would not even let me through the gate. I
cried for 10 days after Nato came and then gave up.'

Kosovo's post-war cycle of violence

11 June

Pristina: 200 Russian troops enter airport, creating a tense
stand-off with surprised Nato. Direct confrontation avoided when
Lieutenant General Mike Jackson tells General Wesley Clark: 'I am
not going to start Third World War for you.'

12 June

Serb forces begin leaving Kosovo as Nato troops enter the
province after end of 78-day bombing campaign.

15 June

Serb civilians start fleeing for fear of reprisals.

20 June

With all Serb forces gone, Kosovo is divided into five
peacekeeping zones but Russians not given their own sector.

21 June

Kosovska Mitrovica: City divides into Serb and Albanian sectors.

Pristina: Suspected Albanian arsonists arrested.

22 June

Pristina: Serbian refugees housed in a 78-unit complex are
forcibly evicted by ethnic Albanians.

25 June

Pristina: Three Serbs are bound, gagged and shot in the head in
the university.

26 June

Pristina: Hundreds of the Serb intellectual elite leave.

27 June

Pristina: Three Serbs are killed. Germans impose curfew in their
sector of Kosovo.

29 June

Sitinica: 12 houses are burnt under Nato's noses in village
populated by Roma Gypsies and ethnic Albanians.

3 July

Pristina: Inquiry begins after British paratroopers shoot dead
two ethnic Albanians as they celebrate.

Kosovska Mitrovica: French troops intervene in violent clashes
between ethnic Albanians and Serbs.

17 July

Vitine: A 24-year-old Serb farmer is shot dead by five Albanians.
In the next few days grenade attacks wound more than 40 people in
this district.

19 July

Belo Polje: Three Serbs shot through the head by KLA forces. In
Kosovo more than 100 Serbs are reported missing in a month.

21 July

Prizren: Serb pensioners Marika Stamenkovic, 73, and Panta
Filipovic, 63, stabbed to death.

22 July

Roma Gypsies are targeted in revenge attacks as 2,000 flee to
Italy.

23 July

Zac: Albanians shoot at Spanish troops who return fire and arrest
five in western Kosovo.

Kosovska Mitrovica: Three Serb houses set on fire in Albanian
quarter.

24 July

Gracko: Fourteen Serb farmers shot dead while harvesting.

25 July

Orahovac, Prizren, Pec: Five murders, four abductions, one rape
and 14 detentions.

26 July

K-For reports 237 prisoners in its custody, 86 per cent of them
Albanians.

27 July

The peacekeeping force now numbers 35,000, including 1,500
Russians - still short of 40,000 originally promised.

29 July

Since the start of the peacekeeping mission 840 cases of arson
and 573 of looting have been reported.

30 July

Only 150 international police have joined the Nato troops in
Kosovo although 3,000 were promised by member countries.

3 August

Zitinje: 350 Serbs flee the village as Albanians move in and burn
it.

4 August

Dojnice: Serb village reduced to ashes with five bodies among the
remains.

Pristina: Five Albanians arrested after a Serb abducted and
killed. Two others detained suspected of killing an elderly
Serbian woman.

5 August

Human Rights Watch reports 198 murders since Nato's arrival.

7 August

Pristina: In the heaviest night of violence directed at Nato-led
peacekeepers since they arrived, a Russian soldier is wounded.

8 August

Kosovska Mitrovica: Albanians hurl stones and taunt French
peacekeepers preventing their entry into the Serbian quarter.

11 August

Dobrcane: Nine men arrested for an attack on Russian tank.

Kosovska Kamenica: Serb woman killed and her son injured.

Kosovska Mitrovica: Three Albanians beaten up in Serb quarter
after Serbs force their way into Albanian apartments telling
residents to leave.

Grabovra (near Pec): Nine mortar rounds fired into Albanian
community.

12 August

Pristina: UNHCR figures reveal that out of 40,000 Serb
population, only 2,000 are left. Estimates that out of 180,000 to
200,000 Serbs, 170,000 have fled since Nato entered the province.
K-For reports 78 arrests in the past 24 hours.

Donja Vrnica: British soldiers patrolling a place where Serbs had
been warned to leave shoot and wound at least two men and detain
two others after a car chase.

Kosovska Kamenica: About 2,000 ethnic Albanians demonstrate to
demand that Russian peacekeepers be sent home.

13 August

Dobrcane: Ethnic Albanian protesters scuffle with Russian and US
in anti-Russian demonstration.

Kosovska Mitrovica: Ethnic Albanians repeatedly clash with French
troops.

*Compiled by Nerma Jelacic

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 1999

UN troops declare war on
Serb-baiting Kosovo mafia
=====================

Peter Beaumont in Pristina
Sunday August 15, 1999
The Observer
newsunlimited.co.uk

The Kosovo peacekeeping force, KFOR, and newly-arrived officers
of the international police force have launched a tough clampdown
on ethnic Albanian criminal gangs attempting to expel the last
remnants of the Serb population from the province.

Amid private warnings from senior military officers, diplomats
and aid workers that Kosovo could be emptied of its remaining
22,000 Serb population within months, military and civilian
police, including officers of the British Army's Royal Military
Police, have made scores of arrests in the province's de facto
capital Pristina, and other remaining Serb enclaves, recovering
large amounts of arms and ammunition.

Among documents seized in Pristina and elsewhere are identity
cards purporting to show the holder is a member of the Kosovo
Liberation Army's military police, known as the PU.

According to one KFOR source, of 15 men arrested last week for
alleged involvement in intimidation of Serbs 11 were carrying
cards identifying them as PU members.

But despite evidence that seems to demonstrate the involvement of
the KLA in orchestrating the expulsions, investigators believe
most of those arrested are members of the Albanian mafia, posing
as members of the KLA. One senior British military police source
told The Observer : 'We have not been able to demonstrate any
links with the real KLA.'

He believed those arrested in the past week, including two
15-year old girls detained in connection with hand grenade
attacks on Serb properties in Lipljan south of Pristina, were
using the name of the KLA as part of a sophisticated racket
providing empty houses to homeless ethnic Albanians.

The latest clampdown follows widespread horror in the
international community at a series of murders in Pristina of
elderly women living on their own who had been shot after
refusing to give up their properties. It also follows the
shooting by British soldiers last week of three ethnic Albanians
caught attacking a Serb property.

Kosovo's UN administrator, in comments published yesterday,
criticised the KLA, suggesting it was to blame for the Serb
exodus. 'In the future I will not allow the homes of 10 or 15
Serbs to be burned down every night, even if that means
confrontation with the KLA,' Bernard Kouchner told the Athens
daily Eleftherotypia. I have told (KLA leader Hasim) Thaci that
my patience has run out. If the Serbs leave Kosovo we will have
lost.'

Thaci has denied KLA involvement.

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 1999




To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (14102)8/20/1999 11:57:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
wannabuyagun...anyoneanyone?

KLA WEAPONS ON SALE IN BRITAIN

August 16, 1999
The Independent
independent.co.uk

WEAPONS FROM the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) that were
supposed to have been surrendered to Nato troops are on sale
in Britain.

The Independent has learnt that arms dealers in the United
Kingdom have been offered up to 140 tons of high explosive as
well as rocket-propelled grenades, automatic weapons and illegal
anti-personnel mines.

Inquiries in London and Pristina, the capital of Kosovo, have
confirmed that the trade in arms is thriving, in spite of a
commitment made by KLA leaders at the end of the Nato
campaign to hand in their forces' weapons.

Last night, Robin Cook, the Foreign Secretary, was urged to take
immediate action to stem the flow of weapons. Alan Simpson,
Labour MP for Nottingham South, said: "I think the people of
Britain will be horrified to find that the Kosovars we helped are
now sending their armshere. It is up to the Foreign Secretary to
remind the KLA that it signed an agreement at the end of the war
to surrender its arms, not sell them for profit."

It is understood a number of dealers are acting as agents for the
KLA. Last week, an Englishman based in the Channel Islands was
offering to sell AKM and AK-74 assault rifles, Russian-made
anti-tank RPG-7 rocket- propelled grenades, and M2HB Browning
heavy machine-guns. In addition, he said Claymore anti-personnel
mines were available at $60 (pounds 38) each, instead of the more
usual price of $200. These above-ground devices, which unleash a
wave of more than 4,000 ball-bearings when detonated, are illegal
in Britain.

A British businessman with a legitimate history in ordnance was
offered the weapons but turned them down. He told The Independent
that more than 140 tons of TNT explosive was also on sale, at $20
a kilo. That, he said, was twice the usual market rate but he was
told no licence or paperwork would be required. "The first thing
I was told was that the equipment was from the KLA," he said. "I
was surprised at the quality, amount and variety available -
given that Nato said the KLA is supposed to be handing in most of
its weapons.

"I had not expected Claymores and I certainly did not expect the
more modern Russian assault rifles. I turned them down but they
are being offered to other dealers. Without a shadow of a doubt,
some of this stuff will find its way to the criminal fraternity."
He said the middleman, reputed to be an established, "respected"
dealer, promised delivery anywhere.

In Pristina, an agent involved in the trade confirmed that
weapons were flooding out of the Serbian province and into the
West. "There are plenty of supplies and no difficulties getting
it out," he said.

Lieutenant-Colonel Robin Hodges, a British Army spokesman in
Pristina, confirmed that all the weapon types on offer in the UK
had also been confiscated from KLA fighters in Kosovo. He added:
"We are not surprised to hear reports of KLA arms turning up in
Germany and Britain. Although the border with Serbia is policed
by Nato, other borders are open, and there is no shortage of guns
in Kosovo at the moment."

Under its agreement with Nato, the KLA is supposed to hand over
all its arms, with some minor and specific exceptions, by 20
September.

Rachel Harford, a spokeswoman for the Campaign Against the Arms
Trade, said: "This demonstrates the need for tighter
international control of these weapons and shows the ease with
which shady networks and brokers can peddle their wares to
gangsters, dictators and oppressive regimes."

The Foreign Office and Customs and Excise said that they were not
aware of KLA arms reaching Britain.

IN THE BARS OF KOSOVO, THE KLA IS
HOLDING THE GREAT WEAPONS BAZAAR ...

August 16, 1999
The Independent
independent.co.uk

SITTING AT Tricky Dick's bar in Pristina, sipping ice cold beer,
Bekim Xhaki reels off a list of what is on offer: Kalashnikov
AK-47s can be bought for 150 German marks (pounds 52), Browning
semi-automatic pistols forDM80. There is heavier gear available
near Podujevo ... and he knows a man who can help.
Liberated Kosovo is awash with guns and there are plenty of
people, like Mr Xhaki, to ensure that supply meets demand abroad.
The borders with Albania and [FYR] Macedonia are effectively
wide open and the smugglers who fill the shops of Pristina with
consumer goods can organise the arms that are flowing in the
other direction - out of the province.

It is this traffic that is now reaching the UK. Only last week,
AKM and AK-74 assault rifles, explosives, RPG-7 rocket-propelled
grenades, M2HB Browning heavy machine guns and Claymore
anti-personnel mines were being touted round London, according to
potential customers who spoke to The Independent.

It is a growing trade but the Foreign Office and Customs and
Excise say they know nothing about it. One concerned Labour MP,
Alan Simpson, a long- time opponent of the arms trade, is
planning to write to Robin Cook, the Foreign Secretary, urging
him to remind the KLA that it made a commitment to disarm at the
end of the Nato liberation campaign. "He must tell the leaders of
the KLA that they have a responsibility to live up to their side
of the bargain," said Mr Simpson.

At Luzane, where the KLA's weapons are being collected under the
Nato agreement, the numbers that have been seized by Alliance
troops are 10 times greater than those voluntarily handed in. But
Nato sources also believe a significant quantity has been sold
off to dealers with the complicity of some senior KLA officials.

A senior Nato official said: "We have had reports of arms going
to Western Europe. Some of it is weaponry that was bought by the
KLA which is now being put back in the market; other weapons have
been taken from Serbians. A lot of KLA soldiers bought their own
weapons and there are reports they are selling them again to
Albanian dealers.

"We don't believe this is sanctioned by the KLA leadership. If
they don't want to hand over their whole stock they will be
keeping them safe and hidden, not selling them off."

There is no evidence that the organisation's leader, Hashim
Thaci, and its chief-of-staff, General Agim Ceku are aware of the
trade. A Swiss- based businessman with ties to the KLA, said he
was convinced that the trafficking was being done by rogue
elements within the organisation and that neither Mr Thaci nor Mr
Ceku was involved. "They would not know and would not approve,"
the businessman said.

Mr Thaci's supporters also blame rogue elements and point out
that even if the KLA hierarchy were intent on withholding part of
its arsenal instead of handing it to Nato, they would hide the
weapons away and not sell them off.

The counter-argument from others within the KLA is that what the
organisation needs now more than anything else is hard foreign
currency - it can afford to lose some of its stock of weapons.

This shortage will not last long; KLA members have been invited
by the United Nations to form the nucleus of Kosovo's new police
force and army, the National Guard. And that force will be armed
by the West.

In the meantime, while the UN and its civil administrator Bernard
Kouchner moves agonisingly slowly towards setting up the
structures for a civic society, the KLA has formed an interim
government under MrThaci and is busy filling the political
vacuum.

Serbian businesses and homes are being allocated to KLA
supporters, "taxes" are collected from shops and appointments
made at state enterprises. The only check on their activity is
the diligence of Nato's Kosovo Force (K-For) and especially its
British contingent. The UN is due to take over policing Kosovo at
the end of the month but out of the bare minimum of 3,100
officers deemed necessary, less than 160 have arrived so far.

K-For peace-keepers recently raided the KLA's sinister,
self-styled Ministry of Public Order, part of the "provisional
Government" that has been set up by the rebels. Weapons, cash and
unauthorised police identity cards - carried by Ministry of
Public Order personnel - were confiscated. K-For denied that the
public order "minister", Rexhep Selimi, and General Ceku who were
in the building with 14 other men at the time, were detained, but
Mr Selimi was warned against trying to claim police powers.

The supply of arms to Western Europe is said to come from two
different sources.

Many of the Kosovar Albanian volunteers who joined the KLA,
leaving behind their jobs in cafes and factories in Western
Europe, bought their own guns in Albania. Some of them are now
putting their weapons back on the market. But there are also much
larger arms deals, - involving heavier weaponry in which caches,
inside and outside Kosovo, are being sold off through the
international arms network.

According to sources in the trade, the weaponry for sale is kept
mostly in secure locations in Albania, a country which had been
the original sponsor of the KLA while the Stalinist dictator
Enver Hoxha was in power, and where the organisation has an
extensive network. The deeply ingrained corruption among
officials in Albania ensures that few questions are asked.

The conduits from there to northern Europe are said to be
established arms dealers.

There have been dramatic shifts in the West's perception of the
KLA as events unfolded in Kosovo. Not so long ago it was accused
of following a Marxist agenda and receiving it's funding through
drug and arms dealing, fraud and prostitution. Just over a year
ago, Robert Gelbard, the US special envoy to Bosnia, described
its activists as "terrorists".

Christopher Hill, America's chief peace negotiator in Kosovo,
and now its ambassador to [FYR] Macedonia, much preferred
the pacifist Kosovar leader Ibrahim Rugova to the KLA. He
believed that the guerrillas were part of the problem in the
Yugoslav province, and not the solution.

Europol, the European police authority, has been preparing a
report compiled from intelligence supplied by police forces in
Switzerland, Germany and Sweden that the KLA had been raising
money from trading in narcotics.

But that was then. Mr Gelbard and Mr Hill no longer play a
significant part in deciding Kosovo policy, the KLA appears to
have the backing of the US and Mr Thaci is the favoured son.
Announcing the decommissioning agreement, Mr Thaci appeared at a
joint press conference with James Rubin, the US State Department
spokesman, during which Mr Rubin repeatedly stressed how close Mr
Thaci (whose nom de guerre is "Snake") was to the Secretary of
State, Madeleine Albright.

Just before Nato troops went into Kosovo, a senior British
officer said of the KLA: "The honest ones are Marxists and the
dishonest ones gangsters ".

Within sniffing distance of power, the KLA is already changing
its political tune but when it comes to to the arms trade, the
West may yet come to regret the former guerrillas' embracing of
free enterprise.

The Arms for sale

CLAYMORE CLM

ANTI-PERSONNEL MINE

Widely used by the US in Vietnam. An above-ground device. When
triggered, about 1kg of explosives sends out more than 4,000
small ball-bearings in a fan-shape, shredding everything in their
path.

RPG7 PORTABLE ROCKET LAUNCHER AND ROCKET PROPELLED GRENADES

The standard portable short-range anti-tank weapon of the former
Warsaw Pact. The grenades have a diameter of 85mm and can be
fired up to 500m at a stationary target. Can penetrate up to
330mm of armour.

AKM ASSAULT RIFLE

A modernised version of of the AK-47 produced in 1959 and
favoured by Russian infantry. Can fire up to 600 39m x 7.62mm
cartridges per minute up to an effective range of 300m.

AK-74 ASSAULT RIFLE

A smaller-calibre, 5.45mm version of the AKM,
with arate of fire of 650 rounds per minute and
a range of 300m.

M2HB (HEAVY BARREL

BROWNING MACHINE GUN)

Mounted on a tripod, the M2HB fires up to 550 rounds per minute.
Fires 12.7mm x 99mm belt-fed cartridges to a range of 6,800m.




To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (14102)8/21/1999 12:06:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
The truth is out there!.....Off topic, why not, it's late...

X-Files version of history is backed by CIA report
======================================

Tuesday 17 August 1999
By Michael Smith
The Telegraph
telegraph.co.uk

THE CIA has released a secret history of its investigations
into UFO sightings, revealing that there was more truth in the
popular television series The X-Files than is often believed.

The highly critical report describes often bitter debates between
real-life X-Files investigators who believed that "the truth is
out there" and their sceptical bosses. It records tales of
bumbling undercover agents whose activities fuelled a widespread
belief that the government was covering up what the agency
described as "extra-terrestrial visitations by intelligent
beings".

The problem was eventually passed to the agency's physics and
electronics division where in true X-Files style just one analyst
investigated UFO phenomena. But the Fifties equivalent of Fox
Mulder was constantly undermined by his boss, described by the
CIA history as "a non-believer in UFOs", who tried but failed to
declare the project "inactive".

While the CIA investigations eventually concluded that all the
sightings could be explained, the report concludes that
"misguided" attempts to keep them secret led to widespread
belief of a government cover-up.

The report, written by Gerald K Haines, the official CIA
historian, was commissioned by the then CIA director James
Woolsey in 1993 in the wake of renewed claims of a CIA-led
cover-up. It calls for the first time on documents that the
agency hid from UFO enthusiasts who obtained thousands of more
mundane files under the Freedom of Information Act. The report,
completed in 1997, has been released at the request of the
British academic journal Intelligence and National Security
[ frankcass.com ] and is published in
its summer issue this month.

US intelligence began investigating UFO sightings in 1947 when a
pilot claimed to have seen nine discs travelling at more than
1,000 mph in Washington state. The claim was backed up by
additional sightings including reports from military and civilian
pilots and air traffic controllers.

The first investigation, Operation Saucer, was carried out by US
air intelligence which initially feared that the objects might be
Soviet bombers. But some officers became convinced that UFOs
existed and in a top-secret report concluded many of the
sightings were "interplanetary". Air force chiefs had the report
rewritten to conclude that "although visits from outer space are
deemed possible, they are believed to be very unlikely".

The CIA initially dismissed the investigations as "midsummer
madness". But an agency committee decided they could be used by
Moscow either to create mass hysteria or to overload the air
warning system, making it unable to distinguish between UFOs and
Soviet bombers.

In 1955, claims by two elderly sisters to have had contact with
UFOs attracted widespread publicity. A CIA agent describing
himself as an air force officer spoke to them and reported that
he appeared to have stumbled upon a scene from Arsenic and Old
Lace. Analysis of a "code" which the women believed aliens were
using to make contact with them while they listened to their
favourite radio programme was morse code from a US radio station.

But when UFO enthusiasts heard of the "air force" officer's visit
they became immediately suspicious that he was a member of the
CIA trying to cover up the affair. One enthusiast pursued the CIA
conspiracy theory and was visited by another CIA officer, who
claimed to be in the air force and even wore an air force
uniform. The ruse failed, making the conspiracy theorists even
more suspicious.

The refusal to release 57 documents on the investigation in the
Seventies, to protect sources, also fuelled the cover-up theory,
Haines concluded.

-------------------------------------------------------

For a 1997 CIA report on UFOs by Gerald Haines:

foia.ucia.gov

It is not clear if this report is the same as that cited above,
although it appears to be reporting on the same material. It
seems to have been available at the CIA Web site since 1997.