SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Douglas V. Fant who wrote (14480)9/15/1999 7:36:00 PM
From: Douglas V. Fant  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
COVER STORY: SEPTEMBER 20, 1999 VOL. 154 NO. 11

Even less clear is why they were brought there in a manner--aided by military
boats and planes--that nearly all observers have described as planned in
advance. Those evicted from the western region of East Timor--now firmly under
the control of the militias--may have been ousted to clear the area to accede to
West

Timor, as some pro-integration leaders have
suggested. But those banished from Dili and other
towns further from the border seem only
pawns--meant in their forced exile to leave an
independent East Timor with a bruised and
denuded citizenry.

A similar ruthlessness seems to direct the damage
done to the territory's urban areas. Dili has become
a ghost town, with the streets emptied of all but
soldiers, militia members and the crates of loot
they have been hauling away. Observers say the
destruction is not random: major infrastructure like
the railway station and market have been razed;
power and telephone lines have been cut. "The
downtown core has been burnt, looted, pillaged,"
says UNAMET spokesman David Wimhurst. "One
of the largest banks has been burnt down. The
radio station has been burnt. The university has
been burnt. It's just an area of total devastation."
An already impoverished East Timor will be
hard-pressed to build a self-sustaining nation from
that rubble.

To many, the violence reads as the climax of a
24-year military occupation--a last, bitter slap in
the face. "It's a psychological kind of attack," says
an evacuee from the Australian embassy, now
safely in Darwin. Such "psy ops" are the province
of Indonesia's feared Kopassus special forces--long
the most powerful presence in East Timor--and
several observers have reported suspected
intelligence operatives among the militias. (One
election monitor who speaks fluent Bahasa claims
he could pick out agents because of their distinctly
Javanese accents.) Neither of those factions would
be expected to accept defeat well. "They have lived
all their life under the shadow of revenge," one
high-ranking general says of the militias. "They are
afraid this is the end."

The casual brutality with which they have chosen
to meet that end has lit a fire under the
international community. Australia has taken the
lead both in arguing and preparing for a
U.N.-sponsored intervention force, placing troops in
and around Darwin on full alert and readying
transport ships with equipment and fast armored
vehicles. Britain, France and New Zealand have all
dispatched ships to the area; they have also
expressed willingness to contribute to a proposed
6,000-member force, with support from Asian
countries like Thailand, the Philippines and
Malaysia. After the raid on the UNAMET
compound Friday night, a furious U.N.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan warned that if
Indonesian leaders did not end the violence, they
could be held responsible for crimes against
humanity. Even Washington, which had earlier
backed away from direct intervention, turned up the
rhetoric. "The Indonesian government and military
must reverse this course, do everything possible to
stop the violence and allow an international force to
make possible the restoration of security," U.S.
President Bill Clinton declared. Yet all sides
understand that any military intervention that lacks
Jakarta's approval would amount to an invasion of
the world's fourth-most populous country.

International leaders were thus reduced to
suspending arms sales to Indonesia and
threatening economic repercussions if Jakarta did
not bring the militias to heel. The World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund have both warned
that billions in loans and aid money would be
jeopardized by continued unrest. "There is no way
we will go ahead with any of this under the present
circumstances," says a senior IMF official. Yet
such sanctions are an impossibly blunt
instrument--one that could derail the fragile
Indonesian recovery and punish the country's poor
far more than the generals in Jakarta. Habibie was
quick to seize on that fear, warning that such action could also destabilize
Indonesia's equally delicate transition to democracy.

With the international community thus boxed in, Jakarta has cleared itself room
for defiance. On Saturday, General Wiranto, leader of Indonesia's armed forces,
told a high-level U.N. Security Council delegation that the accelerated
deployment of peacekeeping troops was now an option. But he still claimed
that reinforcements sent to the region--a new commander plus an additional
6,000 troops to join the 15,000 already in East Timor--only need time in order to
reassert central authority. Civilian leaders warn that disrupting that process
would dangerously upset an already angry and humiliated military. "Indonesia
will never accept any unilateral action from Australia," says Habibie foreign
policy adviser Dewi Fortuna Anwar. "Get real. That would really wake up the
dragon." Most Indonesians may have paid scant attention to East Timor in the
run-up to the referendum. But the issue has since become critical to their
self-image. Junus Effendi Habibie, brother of the President and a former
Indonesian ambassador to Britain, voices the challenge many now feel: "The
honor of the Indonesian people is at stake. If we cannot keep the peace in our
own house, who are we?"

Ironically, those who unleashed the bloodbath in East Timor no doubt meant to
defend that honor. Indonesian national identity is a precarious thing, forged
across lines of ethnicity, language and religion. The battering of East Timor
could be seen as punishment for challenging that fraught construct. Yet
precisely because of that unchecked violence, the country could well lose both
the territory and its good name.



To: Douglas V. Fant who wrote (14480)9/15/1999 7:50:00 PM
From: robnhood  Respond to of 17770
 
Douglas , I can't read all of that.. I can guess what is going on there . This isn't the first time...The pattern of terror is very obvious to me.. It is the same pattern they use all over the world, South America, Africa, Mexico, and probably many more places where US corporations are invasive...

Abdject fear is the plan.. What concerns me is the how easy it is to buy the people who are prepared and willing to do this to other people...
eg; Uhhu,, saw them giving medals out tonight to the brave military who reaked havoc on Yugoslavia... All it took was a piece of tin...

I wonder when that wunderkind pilot is 65 , will he still be agonising?