To: she_x who wrote (19512 ) 5/19/2000 8:15:00 PM From: she_x Respond to of 35685
Here is the piece by Robert Novak that Kudlow referenced. suntimes.com For Greenspan, politics beat sound policy May 18, 2000 BY ROBERT NOVAK SUN-TIMES COLUMNIST Going into Tuesday morning's meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee, it is unlikely that Alan Greenspan felt like the master of the universe he is reputed to be. He had to choose between protecting his position as Federal Reserve chairman or following sound economic practice. It was no surprise that the man appointed by three presidents to head the central bank took the political course. The FOMC, the Fed's policymaking body, certainly could not point to hard economic warning of inflation as the reason to raise interest rates by 50 basis points (or one-half of 1 percent), following six 25-basis point hikes in less than a year. Early Tuesday before the central bankers met, the latest non-inflation report showed a 0.2 percent increase in the Consumer Price Index. There is little doubt that Greenspan's personal preference would have been 25 basis points. But the hard reality is that the chairman is no dictator, and did not have the votes. The FOMC's majority insists on still higher interest rates, not because of access to secret inflationary statistics, but to slow down economic growth. There are signals that the Fed will keep putting on the brakes until a recession kicks in. Indeed, after 11 months of gradual tightening by the Fed, there are signs of a slowdown going into the general election campaign. That's not what Al Gore wants. But he and his colleagues in the Clinton administration are muzzled by a tacit 7 1/2-year compact that has proved mutually beneficial. Unlike past administrations, this one refrains from public recommendations, criticism or second-guessing regarding the Fed. In return, the conservative Republican Fed chairman has turned a blind eye to Clinton's tax-and-spend policies. However, Democrats in Congress are under no such restraint. Sen. Byron Dorgan of North Dakota, Senate Democratic Policy Committee chairman and an old-fashioned prairie radical, took the Senate floor to close Monday's session and protested what the Fed chairman was going to do the next day: "Mr. Greenspan has sort of used himself as a set of human brake pads. His only mission in life somehow is to slow down the American economy." Dorgan's heart is in the right place, but his understanding of Federal Reserve politics is faulty. Greenspan, no troglodyte banker, is an agile economist with a shifting viewpoint. He has been considered a believer in the "new paradigm," which does not equate economic growth with certain inflation, but most of his colleagues disagree. The Fed's anti-inflation hawks are driving policy. Laurence Meyer, a former St. Louis economic forecaster and economics professor who was named a Fed governor by President Clinton four years ago, has been resolute in targeting economic growth. Meyer had the votes Tuesday, and it is doubtful that Greenspan could have overcome him. But he didn't try. Not since an intransigent Paul Volcker was voted down by his colleagues on March 6, 1986 (in a decision to cut interest rates) has a Fed chairman been rejected and humiliated. That vote ended the Volcker era, and he left as chairman the next year. Greenspan, just reappointed for a third term by Clinton, will not take that path. But what's next? Super-hawks do not want to stop with a federal funds rate (on lending between banks) set Tuesday at 6.5 percent. They contend that this interest rate should be at the same level as the nominal (that is, not adjusted for inflation) rate of economic growth, now 8 percent. To follow such a painful course would mean climbing another 150 basis points in the immediate future. Nobody thinks that is possible, but Meyer and his colleagues seem determined to raise interest rates so long as the economy is growing. In fact, despite the growth rate, there are ominous economic indicators. Retail sales and auto sales are both down. The loss by NASDAQ of one-quarter of its wealth certainly takes significant consumption money out of the economy. Those were real numbers faced by Greenspan Tuesday. The conflicting set of numbers: the votes that were lined up against him by inflation hawks on the FOMC. The political choice was obvious.