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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (16712)6/25/2000 11:00:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
Serbs Sell Homes to Albanians at Border

Merdare, Jun 21, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) Serbian former
inhabitants of Kosovo are selling their houses to Albanians in
cross-border transactions supervised by British soldiers.

Here, Serbian Stojan exchanges a warm handshake with Albanian Gaz
after selling his Pristina apartment, drawing a line under his Kosovo
existence.

Gaz's father, a notary in Pristina, takes 54,000 German marks out of
his pocket and hands it to Stojan, who hopes it will suffice to buy an
apartment in Nis, after he abandoned his Kosovo home following the
international takeover of the province by KFOR troops.

British soldiers at the frontier post watched the transaction, one of
many performed here three times a week at a roadblock placed on the
border between Serbia and Kosovo, marked by a bridge.

At each side of the border, Serbs and Albanians park their cars,
walking the few yards (meters) to the roadblock where business starts,
a year after the end of the war a year ago.

Gaz was accompanied by his father and met up with Stojan, "a fried of
the family," a telecommunications engineer. The pair had not met for
more than a year since Stojan fled Kosovo along with tens of thousands
of other Serbs.

"He left for Belgrade in August to reunite with his son. He asked us
to live in his apartment for fear it would be looted and he trusted
us," said Gaz, a 23-year-old psychology student and an interpreter for
the Red Cross.

"I have come to buy this apartment (64 square meters) because Stojan
is not thinking of returning soon to Pristina," Gaz said, speaking in
the warm spring sunshine.

Sitting on a bench on the roadside between Pristina and Belgrade, the
three men negotiated over the house deeds.

Before the war, law did not allow the Serbs to sell their homes to
Albanians, as the Belgrade government tried to ensure that Serbs
remained in Kosovo. At present, Serbs are forced to sell their homes,
provided they have not been burned or squatted.

"It's very amicable between Serbs and Albanians, never a voice
raised," said a British soldier, who marks down the amount of each
house sale as a young Serb woman heads off in the direction of
Belgrade.

Not far away, an American working for the United Nations in Pristina
pays his rent to his landlady, a Serb who fled to Belgrade at the end
of the war.

After concluding the sale, Gaz, his father and Stojan embrace each
other. The Serb cannot hold back his tears. "Now that he has sold his
home, he has burned his bridges with Kosovo," said Gaz, the new
householder. ((c) 2000 Agence France Presse)



To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (16712)6/25/2000 11:02:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
Kosovo Serb Denies Genocide Charges Before Court

GNJILANE, Jun 21, 2000 -- (Agence France Presse) A Kosovo Serb on
Tuesday denied charges of genocide relating to the deaths of two
ethnic Albanians and the eviction of 2,000 others from their village
during last year's conflict.

Milos Jokic, 21, is only directly charged with one killing, but faces
genocide charges under Yugoslav law -- one of several penal codes in
force in the UN-run province -- for a combination of alleged crimes
including rape and assault.

His trial opened Tuesday in the southeastern Kosovo town of Gnjilane.

Jokic is accused of ordering an unnamed Roma gypsy to kill an ethnic
Albanian man in the village of Verban, southeast Kosovo, last April
and returning with a Serb unit a month later to drive the population
from the village.

A second ethnic Albanian man was then killed in unclear circumstances
after returning to the village to feed his livestock, the court heard.

"I don't know the people who were mentioned and I have never been in
Verban," Jokic said. "The accusation is the first time I ever heard
the word genocide, I don't know what it is."

He said he had never been mobilized in the war nor carried a gun,
saying he was at a festival with his family in another village at the
time Verban was attacked on May 8.

One ethnic Albanian witness said he had seen Jokic with around 30
other Serbs in uniform with high-powered sniper and hunting rifles.

Sinan Metahri said he had been observing the events for the ethnic
Albanian guerrilla group, the now-disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA).

The trial opened more than a month after the Gnjilane court postponed
the hearing after Jokic's defense team failed to show up.

The defendant, wearing the orange prison uniform of the US military
jail at Camp Bondsteel, just outside Gnjilane, stood before a panel of
judges made up of four ethnic Albanians and one UN-appointed
international judge.

The trial was the first genocide case in Kosovo to open when it
started on May 15 before being almost immediately postponed.

Jokic's lawyer said he expected the hearing to last three days. ((c)
2000 Agence France Presse)



To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (16712)6/25/2000 11:06:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
The Greek Ayatollahs

The Guardian

Greeks called on to defend faith

Helena Smith in Athens
Thursday June 22, 2000

In the biggest demonstration of the Orthodox faithful since the restoration
of democracy in 1974, hundreds of thousands of Greeks crammed in and around
Athens's central square last night to hear Archbishop Christodoulos implore
them to give their all in the battle "to save our faith".
The row over religious affiliation being dropped from national identity
cards assumed dramatic proportions as the country's spiritual leader came
close to calling a holy war.

Standing on a platform emblazoned with the words "Hellas-Europe-Orthodoxy",
the archbishop gave a speech that puts the church on a collision course with
the state.

"First they will take religion off the IDs, then they will take the cross
off the Greek flag and religion will not be taught in schools. Enough is
enough," he said from a podium in Syndagma Square, overlooking the
parliament building.

"We are against the homogenisation of Europe... we should resist changes
that strip us of our national traits," he thundered as the crowd cheered.

"They have used this issue," he said, referring to the prime minister Costas
Simitis's decision to abolish the tradition of recording religious beliefs
on official documents, "as an excuse to divide the nation".

"But I say we are a small religious minority in Europe and we want to
declare our faith... whoever thinks that Europe has to be one and the same
thing is condemned," he boomed.

He said the reform was tantamount to stripping Greeks of their identity,
given the church's historic role in safeguarding Hellenism through 400 years
of Ottoman overlordship.

Government officials fear that the massive turn-out, only two days after
Greece was formally inducted into the EU's cherished Eurozone, could derail
the socialist government's determination to press ahead with badly needed
reforms.

Even worse, many are afraid that the archbishop - who is backed by a
"parliament" of 80 bishops and has mass appeal among Greek youth - has
political ambitions.



To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (16712)6/25/2000 11:10:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 17770
 
INDEPENDENT 'CITY-LIFE' COLUMN

PRISTINA - The first thing you notice in Pristina that
tells you that something has gone badly wrong are the
crowds. Then you see the red and white UN police
Toyotas, then the yellow and black plastic tape
marking off the area. Finally there's the the prowling
camouflage of British infantrymen from the Royal
Regiment of Fusiliers, the red and white feathered
hackles on their berets rising above the gathering
crowd of local Kosova Albanians.

Trouble in Pristina comes fast, violently and often,
and almost always involves the deadly triple equation
of automatic weapons, organised crime and ethnic
hatred.

On Tuesday night this week two Serb women in their
mid-twenties were strolling through the bustle of
Mother Theresa Avenue, the city's central
thoroughfare. It was nine-thirty pm. The temperature
on the boulevard, lined with lime trees, had dropped
from thirty degrees at lunchtime to the cool of the
evening. Two unidentified gunmen opened fire on both
women, hitting one in the chest, and one in the legs.
Totally ignored by Kosova Albanians crowding down the
street, they staggered bleeding into the arms of a
British soldier. Their crime: being Serb.

Pristina is a city of bombed appartment blocks and
pavement cafes, of patriotic Kosovan songs blaring
from speakers on every corner. It's a city where
people walk in the road so they can park on the
pavement, where the idea of responsibility and
community spirit has been trampled on first by decades
of communism, then by the Serbs, and now by the
short-sighted demands of the fast buck.

Life is bustling, dusty, hot, vibrant and chaotic.
Here money can buy you anything from a kebab to a
carpet to a customised Kalashnikov. Since the arrival
of NATO and the UN a year ago, and the subsequent
departure of Serb forces, the pushy and
freshly-liberated Kosova Albanian population has
realised that they can do pretty much what they want.

The UN civilian police from countries like Austria,
Jordan, Holland, Latvia, Ulster and Malaysia are up to
their eyes with ethnic killings, organised crime and
civil disorder. What are they going to do, think the
joy-riding, women-beating, hair-gelled teenage Kosovan
wideboys in their stolen BMWs and souped-up Opels, if
they drive around the city like maniacs and refuse to
obey the rules?

With liberation from an oppressive, ethnocidal regime
like that of the Serbs, Kosova Albanians are having to
swallow the bitter pill of international medecine. The
problem is that they are increasingly gagging on the
spoon. They don't see why they should be grateful any
more to their armed liberators, with their strange
insistence on democracy, international standards,
tolerance and mutual respect.

The honey-moon period for NATO, the UN and Kosovo is
so long over that everybody has almost forgotten that
it ever existed. And on the streets of Pristina it's
gone rotten so fast that you can smell it.

NATO peacekeepers are attacked by those they are here
to protect, UN policemen threatened because they have
the audacity to try and crack down on the organised
crime that contaminates everybody's lives. One boiling
hot morning a half-kilo of plastic explosive with a
timing-device is left under a car opposite UN and
British Army headquarters in Pristina. Who's
responsible? Nobody knows. It could be Serbs, it could
be Albanians.

Earlier on in the week, a walk home from dinner at one
am reveals a familiar sight outside the UN
headquarters. Police cars, the all-too-familiar tape,
the crouching British soldiers scoping the crossroads
through telescopic sights. Cartridge cases all over
the road, a crashed car. A political hit? A mafia
rub-out? No. Just a killing prompted between a bunch
of teenagers with guns, arguing over who scratched
who's car.

The older generation of Albanians, with their rigid
standards of hospitality, their traditions, their
ordered style of life, deserve more than this. And so
do Kosovan women, who keep house, increasingly bring
home the bacon, and represent the economic and social
future of Kosovo.

But all their good is submerged beneath all the bad of
an upcoming male population aged between sixteen to
twenty-five, largely without work, without hope, and
with nothing to look up to except a furiously corrupt
Kosova Albanian political system and an international
community that is rapidly ceasing to care.