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Strategies & Market Trends : Investment in Russia and Eastern Europe -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Paul Berliner who wrote (1103)8/2/2000 3:52:29 PM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 1301
 
Thanks Paul. It has been a bit lonely over here but I think this thread is important and will continue to post relevant info.



To: Paul Berliner who wrote (1103)8/11/2000 1:24:49 AM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 1301
 
Blackjacks and Bears: Ukraine Sends Bombers to Russia

Summary

Washington has threatened to halt aid for nuclear disarmament in
Ukraine. The government of President Leonid Kuchma reportedly
continues to ship nuclear capable bombers - including the
supersonic Tu-160 Blackjack - to Russia, while accepting
Washington's money. The Clinton administration will find it hard to
bring sufficient pressure to bear on Kiev.

Analysis

The United States will stop financing Ukraine's nuclear dismantling
if Kiev trades any more strategic bombers to Russia, Steven Pifer,
the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine said on Aug. 7, according to the
Interfax news agency.

Ukraine, however, stands to make much more money by continuing to
give the bombers to Russia. Although Washington does intend to
withhold the funds, it will not likely do anything more. By calling
Washington's bluff and ignoring its warning, Ukraine may stress
relations with its Western sponsor. But Washington is unlikely to
get its way.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine inherited
the third largest nuclear arsenal in the world. It included 25
Tu-95 Bear and 19 Tu-160 Blackjack heavy bombers. The Bear is an
aging intercontinental bomber with a range of about 13,000
kilometers; the Blackjack is a supersonic multi-mission bomber,
similar to the U.S. B-1 bomber, capable of carrying cruise
missiles, short-range guided missiles, as well as nuclear and
conventional gravity bombs. Under the 1991 Cooperative Threat
Reduction Program, Ukraine is obligated to physically destroy 44
Soviet-era bombers by the first quarter of 2002.
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Instead, Ukraine last year traded 11 bombers - eight Tu-160s and
three Tu-95s - and almost 700 cruise missiles to Russia in exchange
for $285 million worth of debt forgiveness. Ukraine owes Russia for
natural gas shipments. In July, Ukraine offered Russia another 10
bombers in exchange for more debt relief; Russia has not yet
formally responded. Pifer pointed out that Washington pays for the
decommissioning of the aircraft, because they were built
specifically to target the United States with nuclear weapons,
reported Interfax.

Although the United States cannot prevent Ukraine from giving the
planes to Russia, it can cease payments meant to cover the cost of
the planes' destruction. The United States has promised
approximately $500 million for the Cooperative Threat Reduction
Program to be carried out in Ukraine. Of that, $13 million is
allocated for heavy bomber elimination, and of that $6 million has
already been spent.

But from the Ukrainian standpoint, working with Washington doesn't
make sense. Financially, forfeiting $7 million from the United
States in order to wipe out hundreds of millions of dollars worth
of debt to Russia is a bargain. But is it politically affordable?
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Ukraine is the third largest recipient of U.S. financial aid,
behind Israel and Egypt; U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
has said that Ukraine is one of Washington's top four international
priorities. Since independence in 1991, the United States has given
the country almost $2 billion. In March, Ukraine was promised $170
million for this year; while in Kiev in June U.S. President Bill
Clinton pledged another $80 million for the safe closure of
Chernobyl.

In return, Ukraine - which is geographically strategic and
challenged with diplomatically juggling Washington and Moscow - has
increased its military and political cooperation with the United
States, often at the risk of Russian reprisal. It is a member of
NATO's Partnership for Peace program, and this May the country
promised to bring its military into line with NATO standards by
2005, reported Agence France Presse.

Kiev and Washington have been, however, unreliable allies. Ukraine
has witnessed Washington's hesitation to protect some of its other
allies in the region, such as Georgia and Azerbaijan. The Kuchma
government will not count on the United States to protect it from
Russia, for example.

Ukraine will not bow to the tune of a mere $7 million. Unless the
United States is willing to withdraw additional aid -not
specifically tied to nuclear disarmament - Ukraine will likely keep
right on calling Washington's bluff - and shipping nuclear-capable
bombers to Russia.
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To: Paul Berliner who wrote (1103)8/24/2000 5:10:24 AM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 1301
 
Gridlock: All Trains Lead to Moscow

Summary

The Russian Railways Ministry banned Russian freight trains from
carrying cargo to or from former Soviet republics that owe the
ministry money. Since most of these states depend upon Russian
transportation for their exports, the Railways Ministry decision
could deliver a crushing blow to their fragile economies. It also
highlights just how dependent on Russia these countries remain -
and who is ultimately in charge.

Analysis

The Russian Railways Ministry temporarily banned Russian freight
trains from carrying cargo to or from former Soviet republics that
owe the ministry money, according to the Moscow Times on Aug. 19.
Since most of these states depend upon Russian transportation for
their exports, the Railways Ministry decision could deliver a
crushing blow to their fragile economies. It also highlights just
how dependent on Russia these countries remain.

The ban covers Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan - all states that count Russia as their
largest trading partner. While the states could dispatch their own
trains to shuttle goods across the breadth of Russia, they would
then be unavailable to service local needs. For the Central Asian
states the ban is a double blow. Any exports destined for Europe or
the United States must first transit Russian territory. Until the
debts are paid, that transit is impossible.

Shifting their trade to other states is not an option. There simply
isn't infrastructure to support other trade relationships. Of the
states targeted, only Georgia has a seaport. Azerbaijan, Kazakstan
and Turkmenistan each has only a single rail line that leads away
from the former Soviet Union. Uzbekistan is doubly landlocked.
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While replacing rail transport with truck shipping is an option, it
is not an attractive one from a cost point of view. Almost all of
the exports of the states on the blacklist are bulk commodities:
cotton, coal, grain and various ores. Fuel costs alone make trucks
unfeasible. For example, once a shipment of cotton from Tashkent
bound for Europe crosses 1,000 kilometers of Kazak territory, it
still must traverse 2,000 kilometers of Russian territory and 1,000
kilometers of Ukrainian territory before even reaching Central
Europe. That's quite a gasoline bill.

This is not to say that the railways of the former Soviet Union are
in good shape. Russian Railways Minister Nikolai Aksyonenko
estimates that $22 billion in repairs are needed to restore full
productivity. Yet they are still the most efficient transportation
option - or at least they were until the Railways Ministry
decision. As it stands, only petroleum exports shipped via
pipelines will be unaffected. With a single ban, the Railways
Ministry effectively gutted the export economies of six states.
They will have no choice but to pay their debts in full, and in
hard currency.
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Options for retaliation are few and ineffective. Georgia could push
for closer NATO ties and Uzbekistan could again withdraw from
Russian led security pacts. But in the end, Russia holds too many
hammers over the states on the blacklist to brook any serious
resistance.

There is a political component to the ban as well. Aside from
Tajikistan, all of the blacklisted states have rocky relations with
Russia. Yet since they have no economic alternatives to Russian
predominance, cutting off rail access is a simple - and
excruciatingly painful - way for Moscow to drive home just who
really is in control.
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(c) 2000 Stratfor, Inc.
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UNSUBSCRIBE by clicking on
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Phone: 512-583-5000 Fax: 512-583-5025
Internet: stratfor.com
Email: info@stratfor.com