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To: marcos who wrote (37)9/11/2000 11:32:36 PM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 143
 
Mexico to Abandon OPEC Deal?
stratfor.com

_________________________________________

Summary

Mexico's Zedillo government appears to be concerned that oil prices
have climbed too high, threatening Mexico's commercial and political
interests in the United States. With the U.S. elections only two months
away, Mexico may increase its oil exports as much as possible in order
to score political points with Democrats and Republicans in Washington,
D.C. - where soaring domestic gasoline prices are a hot political
issue. The Zedillo government may also be seeking to shore up the peso
against potential speculative attacks in the early weeks of the
incoming Fox Administration.

Analysis

Mexican Energy Sub-Secretary Andres Antonius announced at the recent
OPEC meeting in Vienna that Mexico "could increase" its oil exports by
200,000 barrels per day "if current market conditions do not change,"
reported Reuters on Sept. 11. Mexico's interests within OPEC are now
clashing with a significantly more vital Mexican interest outside OPEC:
its relationship with the U.S. through the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA).

Two years ago, Mexico aligned itself with The United States' top oil
suppliers, OPEC members Venezuela and Saudi Arabia, catalyzing the
three-fold increase in world oil prices; OPEC could not undertake
serious production cuts until these three countries agreed to stop
competing over U.S. market share. The oil windfall has been an
important factor in Mexico's robust economic growth during the past
year.

The future growth and stability of Mexico depend heavily upon a strong U.S. economy. The United States
is Mexico's largest trading partner, while Mexico is America's second-largest trading partner - after
Canada and ahead of Japan. High oil prices barely threaten the U.S. economy, which uses a great deal
less petroleum per GDP dollar than in previous years. Yet, the Zedillo government is concerned that
excessively high oil prices - more than $25-28 a barrel - over a sustained period of time could
eventually slow the U.S. economy and affect Mexico, which ships about 80 percent of its total exports to
U.S. markets.

U.S. presidential elections are only two months away, and the Mexican government does not want to offend
either Democrats or Republicans in Washington, D.C. Mexican President-elect Vicente Fox would prefer a
victory in November by Texas Governor George W. Bush, a staunch supporter of NAFTA who, unlike
Democratic Vice President Al Gore, is not beholden to organized labor and environmentalists. However,
regardless of who wins in November, raising oil exports beforehand would be a good start for the Fox
administration's relations with the next U.S. government.

Raising oil exports by 200,000 bpd now would also be a prudent financial move for Mexico. For the first
time in more than 20 years, Mexico expects to achieve a transfer of presidential power in December
without suffering a financial crisis and devaluation of the peso. However, the increased revenue stream
would provide Mexico's Central Bank a cushion to defend the peso against potential attacks by currency
speculators. The PRI still controls oil policy in Mexico and would not ordinarily do anything to aid an
opposition government, but President Ernesto Zedillo has placed the country's economic and political
stability ahead of his party's partisan interests.

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OPEC's approval of an 800,000 bpd increase in production may fail to reduce and stabilize oil prices.
Mexico's stated willingness to increase its oil exports in light of the decision also indicates a
divergence of interests with Venezuela, which favors tight production controls and smaller increases in
output. Mexico wants to maximize its oil export revenues without pushing the major consumer countries
into a recession. Venezuela has taken the position that oil prices are currently at "fair" levels and
that consumer countries should cut their internal energy taxes to achieve cheaper domestic pump prices
rather than pressure crude producers to increase supply.

Although Mexico has stated that it will consult with OPEC and non-OPEC producers before making any
decision, such consultations would be mere diplomatic formalities. Mexico will soon boost its oil
exports, and ship most or all of that increase to the U.S., raising its oil revenues, expanding its
market share in the U.S., and winning the approval of key Democratic and Republican leaders in
Washington, D.C.

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To: marcos who wrote (37)11/9/2000 12:05:44 PM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 143
 
Mexico's Fox Fishing for Corruption

Summary

Mexico's President-elect Vicente Fox has pledged a zero-tolerance
policy against corrupt politicians, senior military officials and
government bureaucrats. Previous Mexican presidents have made
similar promises before taking office, but did little or nothing
while serving their terms because the corruption was associated
with the ruling Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI). Fox,
who ended the 71-year reign of the PRI July 2, is serious about
rooting out corruption. But he likely will cause major
confrontations with thousands of public sector union leaders and
with local bosses who traditionally have lived on economic and
political patronage dispensed by the PRI.

Analysis

Mexican President Vicente Fox says one of his first actions Dec. 1,
the day he assumes the presidency of Mexico, will be to order an
in-depth audit of "each and every" government office. "The hooks
are already out," Fox said at a press conference Nov. 7, while
pledging a national crusade against corrupt politicians, senior
military officials and government bureaucrats. He said his
government would target very high-level corruption from the outset.
"We expect to take a few sharks to jail," he said. "Not big fish,
but sharks."

Catching the sharks of Mexican corruption will be a dangerous
undertaking. Fox's anti-corruption crusade is aimed directly at the
deeply entrenched and corrupt system of political patronage created
by the PRI during its seven decades in power. Dismantling this
system will put Fox on a collision course with thousands of
government union leaders. Fox also will be challenged by local PRI
bosses, or "caciques", whose power and wealth are based on decades
of trading votes for the PRI in return for a share of the economic
and political spoils. With the PRI out of power, party discipline
is already breaking down.

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Last week, public sector union bosses gave Fox a glimpse of the
challenge that awaits him as president. When former President
Ernesto Zedillo's government denied its 1.6 million bureaucrats a
traditional, end-of-term political loyalty bonus PRI governments
paid every six years without fail, thousands of angry public
workers walked off their jobs and tied up traffic in downtown
Mexico City for six days. The government finally caved in and
agreed to a settlement that will cost Mexican taxpayers more than
$500 million.

After the turmoil subsided, spokesmen for Fox hastened to announce
his government did not plan any large-scale layoffs of public
workers. However, Fox's determination to make the Mexican
bureaucracy more efficient and honest ensures public protests and
strikes by government workers will occur more frequently.

A bigger headache for Fox will be groups such as the National Torch
Movement, an organization created in 1974 by radical agronomy
students and poor farmers who fought against the injustices of
abusive PRI bosses in Indian villages. While the movement was
created to fight the PRI, its leaders were quickly seduced into
joining the PRI in return for a share of the party's economic and
political largesse. The group numbers more than one million members
and has an organized presence in all 32 Mexican states. Its leaders
have been vital cogs in the PRI's party machinery for years because
they can channel the potential radicalism of Mexico's 40 million
indigent into militant support of the PRI at election time.

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Since the PRI lost its monopoly on power, however, party discipline
is breaking down; competing groups that once supported the PRI are
now turning against each other. In August, a gun battle between
Torch Movement members and a rival group of PRI supporters in
Chimalhuacan, a poor community about 12 miles from Mexico City,
left 10 people dead, 98 wounded and 204 jailed. Most of the dead
and injured were Torch Movement members. The fight was over control
of the local city hall, and it was a harbinger of conflicts Fox may
face as he tries to make Mexican politics less corrupt and more
democratic.

Fox is sincere about attacking political and bureaucratic
corruption, but as president he will be forced to make compromises
with groups whose economic and political survival depends upon
Mexico's decades-old tradition of political patronage. Moreover, as
he tries to break up the old PRI system, Fox also will be
dispensing patronage to his supporters, potentially exposing his
government to charges of corruption by his political opponents.

Fox is acutely conscious of his vulnerability. In fact, the
president has delayed announcing the composition of his Cabinet due
to new grueling background checks that include relatives, friends
and business partners. Fox will seek to avoid open conflict while
pushing bureaucratic reforms to weed out corruption.

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To: marcos who wrote (37)11/22/2000 1:42:49 PM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 143
 
In Chiapas, The Renewed Mexican Challenge

Summary

During his election campaign, Mexican President-elect Vicente Fox
said he could settle the six-year-old indigenous rebellion in
Chiapas peacefully in 15 minutes. However, Fox will have to move
quickly after his Dec. 1 inauguration to prevent violence in
Mexico's poorest state from escalating.

Analysis

On Nov. 17, Amnesty International reported very worrying signs that
an already volatile situation in Chiapas is rapidly deteriorating.
According to the human rights group, federal security forces have
mobilized, paramilitary groups are threatening to attack displaced
indigenous people, and indigenous communities sympathetic to the
Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) are resisting army
patrols.

Low-intensity fighting since early 1994 between the EZLN and
Mexican security forces and paramilitary groups has caused
thousands of casualties among Chiapas' inhabitants. Many
have also died in religious clashes between evangelical Christian
Indians and Catholic Indians, in land wars between rich landowners
and poor peasants, and in local political conflicts between leftist
groups like the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and the
traditionally dominant Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI).

Fox has several important advantages that favor his efforts to
settle the rebellion in Chiapas peacefully but he also must
overcome daunting obstacles on the road to peace. As the first non-
PRI president in 71 years, Fox can legitimately claim to represent
a true democratic transition in Mexico. Moreover, the August
election of Pablo Salazar as the first non-PRI governor of Chiapas
boosted this legitimacy. Salazar will be the 167th governor in the
176 years that Chiapas has been part of Mexico.

Like Fox, Governor-elect Salazar, who takes office a month after
Fox's inauguration, was the candidate of the pro-business National
Action Party (PAN) and locked in his victory by forging alliances
with other political parties including the leftist Democratic
Revolution Party (PRD). Salazar has a record of being willing to
negotiate with the EZLN. In addition, Fox should benefit from the
EZLNs weakened popularity and a relatively strong economy that
probably will grow 6 percent in 2000 and 2001.
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However, some of the obstacles in his path include a recalcitrant
Zapatista leadership that has remained oddly silent since Fox's
July election, powerful local interests allied traditionally with
the PRI and a military establishment likely to resist the new
government's efforts to demilitarize Chiapas. Fox also faces stiff
opposition from the EZLN and indigenous leaders on the issue of
economic policy. Fox supports free-market solutions for Chiapas,
while the EZLN has an economic vision that stresses collective work
and communal land ownership.

During the election campaign, Fox said that as president his first
action on Chiapas would be to submit a bill to Congress to approve
and enforce the San Andres peace accords, signed in 1996. These
accords would have endowed the indigenous communities of Chiapas
with political and economic self-determination, but were never
submitted to Congress for approval because a majority of the
Mexican political establishment viewed the self-determination
sought by the EZLN as secessionist. Fox also pledged to build
social and economic infrastructure and attract maquiladora
industries from northern Mexico to Chiapas and other impoverished
southern states to create tens of thousands of assembly jobs.

In addition to seeking enforcement of the San Andres peace accords,
Fox probably will seek to reduce the military presence in Chiapas.
During the election campaign he promised to exchange jobs for
soldiers in Chiapas. Military officials say only 19,000 soldiers
are in Chiapas and Tabasco. However, according to the Chicago
Tribune, other sources estimate up to 50,000 soldiers are now in
Chiapas at an annual cost of $500 million or nearly 22 percent of
the military's $2.3 billion budget. The fact the military
leadership has never served a non-PRI president may hinder efforts
by Fox to scale back the army's presence in Chiapas.

According to Raul Benitez-Manaut, a researcher at the National
University of Mexico in Mexico City, the PRI has functioned as the
son of the military since 1929. Until 1946, all Mexican presidents
were military officers. The military supported the president of
Mexico and the PRI-dominated political order in return for complete
autonomy. With the all-powerful PRI a shambles and a new political
order in Mexico still taking shape, many in the military fear the
loss of their privileged status. These fears have increased in
recent years as senior Mexican generals have been arrested for
drug-related corruption.

Chiapas is the greatest and most immediate political challenge
confronting the new Fox administration. If Fox fails to end the
simmering rebellion in Chiapas, the violence will probably escalate
and spread to other poor southeastern Mexico states, such as
Guerrero and Oaxaca. To achieve a lasting peace, Fox must do two
things that are anathema to the traditional political and military
establishment in Mexico. First, he must grant the indigenous
communities of Chiapas a significant degree of self-determination
that goes against the traditional political order that includes the
PRI, PRD and his own PAN party. And second, Fox must demilitarize
Chiapas, a move that many traditionally independent military
leaders will perceive as an infringement of their traditional
autonomy.

If Fox can achieve a deal, any backlash probably will come from the
military and from traditional local PRI caudillos. Local and
regional military commanders with ties to local PRI strongmen,
landowners and paramilitary groups will try to stir up trouble to
block demilitarization and greater self-determination for the
indigenous people of Chiapas.

However, Fox must push forward, since ultimately Mexicans and the
international community will view his success or failure in finding
a peaceful solution for the conflict in Chiapas as a litmus test on
whether he can govern the country effectively as its first non-PRI
president.
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To: marcos who wrote (37)11/22/2000 2:06:27 PM
From: CIMA  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 143
 
November 22, 2000

By GINGER THOMPSON

MEXICO CITY, Nov. 21 At last Vicente Fox Quesada is expected to
begin announcing the choices for his cabinet, on Wednesday.

With the announcements, Mr. Fox, who as the first person in 71
years to defeat the Institutional Revolutionary Party becomes
president in 10 days, aims to shatter the strength of the old-boy
networks that dominated politics. He has pledged to chose men and
women from a variety of viewpoints and party affiliations.

At a news conference, Mr. Fox is generally expected the appoint a
leftist academic, Jorge G. Castañeda, as foreign minister and will
try to keep Wall Street calm by selecting an eminent economist as
treasury secretary. He is Francisco Gil Díaz, who is committed to
upholding the free- market changes made by the departing president,
Ernesto Zedillo.

The selections are a result of an extraordinary nationwide search
that involved as much input from head hunters and advice from Mr.
Fox's rivals as it did from leaders of his own conservative
National Action Party. The process has been subject to numerous
delays and intense competition on the transition team.

Because Mr. Fox is known as more of a pragmatist than a party
stalwart, members of his party have been quietly nervous about
whether their leaders would be given prominent positions. Women's
groups have pressured Mr. Fox to include a respectable number of
their leaders.

Leftist leaders of the Democratic Revolutionary Party refused to
accept any positions in the cabinet.

A number of those expected to be chosen will be longtime allies.
But it appears that Mr. Fox will fulfill his promise to build a
pluralistic government by appointing lawyers, academics, economists
and business leaders with little government experience and just
tenuous ties to his campaign.

The diversity reflects not only Mr. Fox's pledges to voters and
promises of change. It also demonstrates his pragmatism. Because he
will be president without a majority in Congress, it is crucial to
build bridges in many camps if he is to win approval for the
unpopular programs that he hopes to undertake, including reforming
the tax structure and privatizing electricity.

Although experts praise the variety, others wonder whether people
with such vast ideological differences will be able to work
together. Some experts wonder whether a team of unknowns will be
able to live up to the high expectations for reinventing how Mexico
is governed.

"I think it just might work," said a political expert, Gabriel
Guerra. "Having a plural cabinet diminishes the resistance that he
is going to have on all fronts. And it is a much better alternative
than if he had put together a highly ideological team."

In the clearest sign of Mr. Fox's commitment, he will pick Mr.
Castañeda, a polemicist, as foreign minister. Mr. Castañeda, a
left-wing writer who teaches at New York University, is a son of
one of the most distinguished foreign ministers in Mexico's recent
history. But in the eyes of many, Mr. Castañeda lacks diplomatic
experience.

A writer of numerous books on Mexican politics, including
"Perpetuating Power, How Mexican Presidents Were Chosen," which is
being released this week in New York, Mr. Castañeda has
intellectual admirers around the world. But he recently enraged the
Mexican press by writing a haughty newspaper column that scolded
journalists as unsophisticated and unprofessional.

And as a strident leftist, Mr. Castañeda has often been a harsh
critic of United States policy in Latin America and has made a
number of enemies among Republicans in Congress, particularly
Senator Jesse Helms, Republican of North Carolina.

In an interview, Mr. Castañeda acknowledged that there had been
unfavorable rumblings about the prospect of his appointment from
Mr. Helms and from staff members at the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. But Mr. Castañeda said he had good relations with an
overwhelming majority of Republican leaders, especially among those
working with Gov. George W. Bush.

"When we went to the United States," Mr. Castañeda, said, "Fox saw
that I have solid relationships with people close to Gore and Bush,
that I have relationships at high- levels in the Clinton
administration. And so there will be no real problems. Now we may
not always agree on every issue, but there is an openness to
negotiate and work out our differences."

Mr. Fox is scheduled to give the names of his cabinet in three
separate announcements over the next week. Among the cabinet
members he is widely expected to announce on Wednesday are Mr. Gil
and Luis Ernesto Derbez as secretary of the new economy ministry,
which will take over the duties formerly handled by the commerce
secretary. Neither are members of Mr. Fox's party, the PAN.

Mr. Derbez, 53, has been a chief architect of Mr. Fox's economic
plans throughout his campaign and in the five-month transition
since the elections in July. A former World Bank economist who has
spent most of the last decade outside Mexico, he was generally
considered too unknown and inexperienced to be treasury minister.

His admirers say he knows how to build relationships with those
who disagree with him. And Mr. Derbez has shown intense interest in
strengthening industry, which he says has been neglected in favor
of foreign investment.

Mr. Gil, 57, (pronounced heel) is general director of a
long-distance telephone company, Avantel. He worked as a deputy
governor at the Bank of Mexico and was chief tax collector under
President Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

Mr. Gil, one of the nation's most eminent economists, personifies
the philosophies of his old professor, Milton Friedman at the
University of Chicago. Although Wall Street would be pleased by Mr.
Gil's appointment, many here say his tough convictions might make
him a poor negotiator.

For the treasury secretary, a major task will be to help Mr. Fox
win approval for tax changes aimed at increasing government
revenue. Mr. Gil's appointment may also stir apprehensions among
dominant businessmen like Carlos Slim, president of Telmex and the
nation's wealthiest man. As head of Avantel, Mr. Gil worked to
break up Telmex's near monopoly over telecommunications.


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To: marcos who wrote (37)12/7/2000 3:23:25 PM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 143
 
INFORME ESPECIAL
* ?Donde estan las mujeres en el gabinete de Fox?
-- Solo cuatro mujeres en el equipo presidencial

Por Dunia Rodriguez
DF., NOV 2000 (CIMAC).- Hasta el momento no conocemos el anuncio oficial de
todo el gabinete que trabajara con el proximo presidente de Mexico, pero con
los nombres dados a conocer ya se aventura una ausencia, en lo porcentual,
que no concuerda con una promesa o compromiso de campana: ?donde estan las
mujeres?

Recordemos que una semana despues de la victoria electoral, Vicente Fox
lanzo una convocatoria a los distintos organismos de la sociedad, para que
propusieran a quienes formarman parte del gabinete de
gobierno, el cual, dijo, seria plural e incluyente, asi lo ofrecio en
campana.

Los aspirantes, y para empezar no incluyo a las aspirantes, dijo, debian
tener amor a Mexico, alto sentido de responsabilidad social, honestidad
probada, reconocida capacidad y obtencion de
resultados.

Como ya sabemos, en esa fecha el presidente electo anuncio que seguiria
varios caminos para elegir a los mejores elementos, como la contratacion de
empresas cazadoras de talentos y la recomendacion
de lideres sociales y organismos intermedios. Y subrayo que seria el unico
criterio para integrar su gabinete, porque argumento no tener compromisos
con nadie.

A pesar de que decenas de organizaciones sociales y centenares de personas
en lo individual respondieron a ese llamado; a pesar de que se comprometis a
integrar el gabinete legal y ampliado
con una tercera parte de mujeres, dos meses despuis del triunfo
electoral --en septiembre pasado-- dijo que no encontraba senoras--bueno ni
senoritas-- profesionales capaces ni que amaran a Mexico para
acompaqarlo a gobernar.

En ese entonces destacs que no encontraba ni siquiera al 15 por ciento de
las mujeres que quisiera contratar. Vaya, eso fue como buscar agujas en un
pajar para encontrar a las mujeres que cumplieran
con los requisitos.

Aunque los anuncios ya hechos y los que estan por venir puedan llamarnos a
sorpresa, debemos recordar que Vicente Fox descubrio muy tarde que hay
mujeres; mujeres capaces y responsables; mujeres que trabajan con eficacia y
resultados; mujeres que piensan y actuan y, desde luego, aman a
Mexico. Digo que se dio cuenta muy tarde porque este descubrimiento lo hizo
cuando fue legislador por Guanajuato, apenas en 1988.

Para entonces, las mujeres como movimiento social y organizado ya tenian mas
de 20 anos de camino andado, y Fox no las habia visto; ya habian luchado por
modificar leyes, ya habman promovido a nivel internacional los derechos
sexuales y reproductivos, ya habian especificado que sin los derechos
humanos de las mujeres no hay derechos humanos y habian avanzado en la
legislacion a favor de aborto y habian puesto ya los derechos a la
alimentacion y la posesion de la tierra como indispensables para la vida de
las mujeres y su prole.

Cuando Fox apenas advertia que habia mujeres de ese nivel, ellas ya ocupaban
curules en los congresos, ya eran o habian sido secretarias de Estado, ya
gobernaban municipios y estados completos, y nuestro proximo presidente
apenas se daba cuenta de ello.

Ahora, a unos cuantos dmas de que todo el pams ingrese al experimento de un
gobierno diferente al PRI, dsnde estan las mujeres de su gabinete. En
Turismo con Leticia Navarro y en Desarrollo social con
Josefina Vazquez.

Son las menos, en efecto, pero que estin en esas dos esferas significa tanto
como que son las esferas de la cara bonita del pais y de la asistencia
social. Dos de los campos historicamente conferidos a las
mujeres y en donde no se toman decisiones ni politicas ni economicas de
trascendencia; no las decisiones de peso, no las del ejercicio estrategico
del poder y del presupuesto, porque eso sigue correspondiendo al circulo
asignado por regla natural, a los hombres.

El animo de CIMAC no es cargar la balanza en beneficio de las mujeres, menos
aun cuando la historia revela que de 1979 a la fecha sslo 11 mujeres --mas
dos en el nuevo gabinete-- han ingresado al primer
circulo del poder; es decir, a las gubernaturas y las secretarias de Estado.
En ese recuento estan dos gobernadoras y dos interinas en ese puesto:
Griselda Alvarez (Colima, 1979-1983), Beatriz Paredes(Tlaxcala, 1987-1993),
Dulce Maria Sauri (Yucatan. Interinato, 1991-1993) y Rosario Robles
(Distrito Federal. Interinato, 1998-2000).

En las secretarmas de Estado, recordemos a Rosa Luz Alegria (Turismo,
1976-1982), Maria de los Angeles Moreno (Pesca, 1988-1991), Maria Elena
Vazquez Nava (Contraloria, 1988-1991), Silvia
Hernandez (Turismo, 1994-1997), Rosario Green (Relaciones
Exteriores,1994-2000), Norma Samaniego (Contraloria, 1994-1995) y Julia
Carabias (Medio Ambiente, Recursos Naturales y Pesca,
1994-2000).

Esta realidad nos revela posiciones interesantes: aun cuando en 1998 mas de
la mitad de las personas egresadas de la UNAM fueron mujeres, el sector
femenino sslo es mayorma en aquellos ambitos donde su quehacer constituye
una extension de las tareas hogareaas: servicio domestico, industri
maquiladora, enseqanza primaria, trabajo social.

En la polmtica su escasa participacisn no obedece a su falta de capacidad
para ejercer puestos de toma de decisiones sino al papel inferior, que se
dice, le corresponde intrmnsecamente.

Otro ejemplo de esta realidad es que menos de cuatro por ciento de los
municipios del pais son gobernados por mujeres, y en su mayoria son
localidades rurales donde la poblacion es pobre y hay
migracion varonil.

Si las mujeres llegamos ahora al final de este siglo, lo hacemos con la
certeza de que es posible igualar en logros a los hombres. Esta idea es muy
clara en las jsvenes militantes de los partidos, en las estudiantes
universitarias, en las activistas sociales; sin embargo, nos topamos con una
realidad desconcertante: en la practica las mujeres seguimos siendo, y por
mucho, el ginero que sostiene en gran medida el aparato social pero no lo
dirige.

A pesar de los avances, el mundo emblematico con el que llegamos al nuevo
siglo da por hecho las aspiraciones masculinas de tomar el poder y
desconoce como legitimas las ambiciones de las mujeres en este aspecto, las
descarta de antemano, porque han sido precisamente las decisiones
la mayor prohibicion que la cultura ha hecho a las mujeres.

Si el compromiso de Fox fue integrar su gabinete con la tercera parte de
mujeres, y se comprometio porque dijo estar convencido de que el Mexico del
siglo XXI no puede entenderse sin la participacion
de las mujeres, a las que por cierto llamo heroicas, lo hizo y establecio
en su Plan de Igualdad de Oportunidades promover a las mujeres para ocupar
cargos en todos los niveles y en todas las dependencias del gobierno
federal.

Ahora nos preguntamos sera que al seqor Fox le fallaron sus cazadores de
talentos, sera que ni siquiera escucho la propuesta que le hicieron las
mujeres de la sociedad civil organizada en el desayuno
al que nos convoco el pasado 26 de octubre, sera que solo estudio las
propuestas de grupos afines a su partido y a su postura religiosa y, por
tanto, toms nota de las11 mujeres propuestas en tal encuentro con las
mujeres por Mexico, varias de las cuales estan vetadas por Provida, para no
incluirlas pese a su gran capacidad, honestidad y amor por Mexico.

Ya estan Leticia Navarro y Josefina Vazquez en el gabinete, y el lugar y el
numero no representa precisamente la inclusion de las mujeres. Son dos
secretarias de Estado en un gabinete anunciado de 27 integrantes. El numero
y el lugar nos lleva a preguntarnos: con estos dos nombramientos donde
quedamos las mujeres como concepto?.

Asi como decir mexicanas y mexicanos no representa inclusion ni igualdad ni
equidad, nos preguntamos tambien que pasara con los compromisos de terminar
con el hostigamiento sexual en los centros de trabajo, de incrementar el
numero y los horarios de guarderias.

Cual sera la suerte de los compromisos del presidente entrante en materia de
legislacion contra la violencia intrafamiliar, en la ampliacion de los
programas de prevencion y embarazos no deseados, en
las acciones para eliminar la discriminacion y exclusion de grupos
minoritarios, y en las politicas tendientes a lograr la equidad entre
hombres y mujeres.

Que pasara con la vigencia del estado laico, con las garantias a la
libertad de expresion la diversidad sexual y la pluralidad politica de la
sociedad mexicana.

Esperamos que las promesas de campana de Vicente Fox no sean compromisos a
medias, y que su equipo encuentre en el pajar las acciones que conduzcan a
nuestro pais por el camino efectivo a
la democracia, la no discriminacion, el no sexismo y que tambien haga
efectivos sus compromisos de transparencia y rendicion de cuentas.

Dr. Rosalia Pastor Nieto
Ecology & Epidemiology Group
Dept. of Biological Sciences
University of Warwick, CV4 7AL
Tel: (2476) 524 620 ext 28373 Fax: (2476) 524 619
email:RPastor-nieto@bio.warwick.ac.uk, rosaliapn@yahoo.com
UK

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To: marcos who wrote (37)12/12/2000 2:27:59 PM
From: CIMA  Respond to of 143
 
VICTOR LICHTINGER APPOINTED MEXICO'S ENVIRONMENT MINISTER

On November 23, 3000, Victor Lichtinger, was appointed by
President-Elect Vicente Fox, as Secretary for Environment and
Natural Resources for Mexico. Lichtinger was former Executive Director
of the North American Commission for Environmental
Cooperation (CEC), from 1994 to 98. He played a major role in the design
and early development of the organization. Under
his leadership the CEC began to take shape as an active organization
responsive to the needs of civil society, and emerged
as a credible rallying point for cooperation among the three NAFTA
partners in addressing environmental issues of common
concern. Lichtinger has scruples and principles. He stood by those when
he was buffeted by the pressures of the previous
PRI Mexican government to not release the CEC Article 14 report on the
potentially harmful effectives to the coral reefs
from a proposed new mega-cruise ship port planned for construction on
the Mexican island of Cozumel (See the file
SEM 96 001 at the CEC website
cec.org;
submissionID=3
).
Expect Victor Lichtinger to carry out the strong environmental mandate
of President Vicente Fox. As well, Victor Lichtinger,
as one of his first press conferences December 6, announced Mexico's
about face, pledging stronger support for the
investigative actions of the Commission for Environmental Cooperation
under Articles 14 and 15. A tall fiery redhead,
Lichtinger was also one of Mexico's foremost waterpolo players in his
university years. For the full text of the CEC press
release on Victor Lichtinger, go to the website cec.org



To: marcos who wrote (37)1/7/2001 8:40:25 PM
From: CIMA  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 143
 
Terrific News in Mexico City: Air Is Sometimes Breathable
nytimes.com

January 5, 2001

By TIM WEINER

MEXICO CITY, Jan. 4 The atmosphere is infamous here. For decades it
has been a danger to the millions inhaling it. But now something
new is in the air.

It seems to be getting fresher or at least less foul. This would
be quite a change: in 1992, the United Nations called Mexico City's
air the world's worst.

"That's no longer true," said Dr. Mario J. Molina, a Mexico City
native leading the most intensive study of the problem yet
undertaken. Dr. Molina, a chemistry professor at Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, shared the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in
1995 for showing 20 years earlier that chlorofluorocarbons, then
widely used in aerosols, refrigerators and air conditioners, were
depleting the ozone layer.

"There are data that suggest that the air may be improving," said
Dr. Molina. Indeed, there has been no smog alert for 15 months.
Lead, carbon dioxide and sulfur dioxide in the air are down.

Other pollution levels are still often unacceptably high, but on
many days, especially weekends, the air is sometimes clear enough
to breathe with pleasure this in a place where it contributed to
the deaths of hundreds of people in one terrible week four years
ago.

"You would have expected pollution levels to increase if you look
at the increased number of cars, people and economic activity in
the past three years," Dr. Molina said.

They have not. While fair winds and cleansing rains may take some
credit, so do increasingly stringent environmental rules, which
call for cleaner fuels, catalytic converters on cars, emissions
tests and rules on industry.

The air has tested the limits of human endurance. The air quality
index runs from zero to 500, zero representing the Garden of Eden,
and 300 or more representing hell on earth. Below 100 is officially
satisfactory, 101 to 200 is unsatisfactory, and anything higher is
dangerous and a potential threat to life. In the mid- 1990's, it
exceeded 100 about 9 days out of 10; simply breathing was like
smoking two packs of cigarettes a day. Sometimes it went off the
charts: once, in 1996, it spiked at 394. There are good days and
bad days, and the pollution level still often exceeds 100. But on
Wednesday, in the heart of Mexico City, it peaked at 69, with a low
of 9. Levels of sulfur dioxode, nitrogen dioxide, carbon monoxide
and particulates were all 40 or less. And winter is normally the
worst time of year for air pollution.

Mexico City still rates as one of the planet's more toxic places,
along with Beijing, New Delhi, Jakarta, Bangkok, Tehran and other
mega cities with too many people, too many cars, too many polluting
industries and too few coordinated efforts to clear the air.

This is where Dr. Molina and his wife, Dr. Luisa T. Molina, a
research scientist at M.I.T., come in. They are leading the Mexico
City Case Study, part of a program at M.I.T. for exploring the
problems of megacities in the developing world. With close to $2
million from M.I.T., the National Science Foundation and the
Mexican government, they have brought together scores of government
officials, scientists, engineers, economists and other experts to
figure out how to cut the smog.

No mad scientist could think up a better machine for creating air
pollution than this capital of nearly 20 million people. It sits in
a bowl 7,400 feet above sea level, ringed by mountains, under a
tropical sun a petri dish for brewing and trapping bad air. The
miasma spews from three million cars, buses and trucks, and from
thousands of dirty companies and dump sites. They fill the air with
toxic chemicals and tiny particles of everything from heavy metals
to human waste.

Mexico's leaders spent most of the 1970's and 1980's ignoring the
pollution. The Institutional Revolutionary Party, which until last
year had enjoyed a monopoly on power for decades, had little
incentive to be accountable to the public, to listen to scientists
or to press for changes, especially ones that could thwart economic
development.

This attitude filtered down to the public in the form of fatalism,
a disbelief that anything but a strong wind could clear the air.
Pemex, the national oil company, which produces much of Mexico's
gasoline, also spent years "sort of denying the problem," Mario
Molina said. "There were statements that there was no pollution
problem."

Not until 1995 did federal health authorities state clearly that
the air was unhealthy. That year, the World Bank financed a study
suggesting that high ozone levels alone were responsible for as
many as 1,000 premature deaths and 35,000 hospitalizations for
respiratory diseases each year in Mexico City. Those numbers
appeared conservative when, in November 1996, a five-day smog
emergency sent 400,000 people to hospitals and contributed to the
deaths of 300 or more, according to city officials.

So what has gone right?

The gasoline is cleaner than it was a
few years ago. Pemex took the lead out, upgraded its refineries,
and since 1996 has quadrupled its gas imports from the United
States. That cleaner fuel from the United States accounts for as
much as a quarter of the gasoline burned in Mexico today.

New cars have catalytic converters, which reduce carbon monoxide
and nitrogen oxide. Some large industries have become cleaner or
moved away from Mexico City. A hulking oil refinery within the city
limits was closed in the face of political pressure from labor
unions.

F. Sherwood Rowland, one of two other scientists who shared the
1995 Nobel Prize in Chemistry with Dr. Molina, demonstrated that
same year that leaks of liquefied petroleum gas, or L.P.G., used
for cooking and heating in almost every home in Mexico City, were a
major factor in the poisoning of the air.

People burn more than two million tons of L.P.G. a year in Mexico
City 70,000 barrels a day. Pemex reformulated the bottled fuel,
removing butylene, a volatile and environmentally harmful
ingredient, but the gas still leaks from millions of poorly
maintained pipes and tubes, and it represents perhaps 15 percent of
the air pollution in Mexico City, the Molinas say.

Then in 1997 the first popularly elected municipal government took
power in Mexico City. Its left-of-center leaders were more amenable
to stiffer environmental regulations, the Molinas say.

The Mexico City study, which will continue for another two years,
suggests that "new technology exists that is clean enough to solve
the problem to a significant extent," Mario Molina said. "But it's
expensive. The main one would be clean cars, buses, trucks I'm
just talking about plain standard internal combustion engines.
Then, the next set of changes are harder: repairing leaks of L.P.G.
in peoples' homes, replacing pilot lights, the use of solvents in
small industries and homes. For industries, you need clean
furnaces, to remove nitrogen oxide and other pollutants."

Things had gotten so bad in Mexico City that some scientists
seriously proposed blowing a hole in the mountains on one side of
the capital and setting up giant fans on the other to push away the
smog. Dr. Molina suggests that with clear-air regulations and
cleaner government to enforce them such desperate measures may
not be necessary.

Thirty years ago, the air in Los Angeles was worse than it is in
Mexico City today, Dr. Molina says. "Mexico City's air can improve
as much as Los Angeles's did, and in a shorter time," he said.
"That's a goal that can be achieved."



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