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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: TigerPaw who wrote (33390)8/30/2000 1:27:11 PM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
I have no idea what you are talking about. Could you explain how equal protection under the law is supposed to dictate the contravention of the 1st amendment?



To: TigerPaw who wrote (33390)8/30/2000 1:36:36 PM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
equal protection: an overview
The Equal Protection Clause of the 14th amendment of the U.S. Constitution prohibits a state from denying any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. See U.S. Const. amend. XIV. In other words, the laws of a state must treat an individual in the same manner as others in similar conditions and circumstances. A violation would occur, for example, if a state prohibited an individual from entering into an employment contract only because he was a member of a particular race. The equal protection clause is not intended to provide "equality" among individuals or classes but only the "equal application" of the laws. Therefore, the result of a law is not relevant so long as there is no discrimination in its application. By denying the state the ability to discriminate, the equal protection clause of the Constitution is crucial to the protection of civil rights. See Civil Rights and Discrimination.

Generally, the question of whether the equal protection clause has been violated arises when a state grants a particular class of individuals the right to engage in activity and denies other individuals the right to participate. There is no clear rule for deciding when a classification is unconstitutional. The Supreme Court has dictated the application of different tests depending on the type of classification and it's effect on fundamental rights. Traditionally, the Court would find a state classification constitutional if it had "a rational basis" to a "legitimate state purpose." However, the Supreme Court has applied a more stringent analysis in certain types of cases. It will "strictly scrutinize" a distinction when it embodies a "suspect classification." In order for a state classification to be subject to strict scrutiny, it must be shown that the state law or its administration is meant to discriminate. Usually, if a purpose to discriminate is found the classification will be strictly scrutinized if it is based on race, national origin, or, in some situations, non U.S. citizenship (the suspect classes). In order for a classification to be found permissible under this test it must be proven by the state that it has a compelling interest in the law and that the classification is necessary to further a compelling state interest. The Court will also apply a strict scrutiny test if the classification interferes with a fundamental right such as first amendment rights, the right to privacy, or the right to travel. The Supreme Court has also required states to show more than a rational basis (though it did not apply the strictly scrutiny test) for a classification if it is based on gender or a child's status as illegitimate.

The 14th amendment is not by its terms applicable to the federal government. However, actions by the federal government that classify individuals in a discriminatory manner will, under similar circumstances, violate the due process of the fifth amendment. See U.S. Const. amend. V.

law.cornell.edu



To: TigerPaw who wrote (33390)8/30/2000 1:52:52 PM
From: Neocon  Respond to of 769667
 
The ACLU is on the right side of this issue, by the way:

ACLU Testifies on Campaign Finance;
Urges Senate Committee to Adopt Full Public Financing

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact:
Wednesday, March 22, 2000 DC Media Relations Office

WASHINGTON -- American Civil Liberties Union Executive Director Ira Glasser today detailed the constitutional problems with leading approaches to campaign finance reform, telling a Senate committee that placing limits on campaign contributions and expenditures is a dead end. Congress, he said, instead should seriously explore public financing.
"Constructing a system of public financing will be a complicated task," Glasser told the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration. "But it is the right path for Congress to travel. The road we have been traveling - the road of limits on contributions and expenditures - is full of constitutional landmines and is inherently unfair. It is time to strike out on a new path."

In his testimony today, Glasser said that he has been involved with the issue of campaign finance for almost three decades and personally authorized the ACLU's involvement in the three main campaign finance cases, including Buckley v. Valeo, that have shaped all campaign finance legislation during the past two decades. He noted that the Supreme Court's most recent decision on campaign finance, Nixon et al v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC, did not change the law.

"Limits have proven to be a bogus reform," Glasser said. "They have not -- and cannot -- prevent corruption. They do, however, enhance inequality, and make elections even more unfair. Limits inevitably lead to curbs on speech that everyone agrees should be protected by the First Amendment."

Glasser outlined a plan of public financing that he said could minimize corruption, equalize access to voters and promote free speech. The plan is based on establishing a floor of support for all candidates, instead of a ceiling.

"Contrary to what they were intended to do, contribution limits actually invite corruption and abuse," Glasser said. "Limits have been in place for almost 30 years, but the problems limits were designed to solve remain. It is time for a new approach."

Glasser's testimony can be found online at:
aclu.org

aclu.org