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To: kormac who wrote (78166)11/8/2000 2:08:27 AM
From: kormac  Respond to of 95453
 
Saudi Arabia plans a range of economic reforms to boost GDP growth
and generate employment for its rapidly growing population.
Measures include efforts to join the World Trade Organization and
to attract private capital. Proposed reforms make practical sense
and if implemented are likely to produce gains in efficiency, but
resolving the economy's biggest problems will take more political
will than the government has shown.

Analysis

Despite its massive oil resources, Saudi Arabia has seen per capita
income slide by roughly three-quarters since the early 1980s, when
living standards compared to those in the United States and Western
Europe. Today, real per capita income probably is under $7,000. The
fall reflects rapid population growth and the weakening of OPEC's
leverage over world oil prices, which fell sharply in the late
1980s and again in the late 1990s.

The population has soared over the past twenty years, from an
estimated 9 million in 1980 to over 20 million in 1998. According
to World Bank figures, the estimated growth rate during this period
averaged 4.4 percent.

Dependence on oil exports which generate enormous revenues, but few
jobs has also made it difficult to keep the growing work force
employed. Real unemployment for Saudi males likely average between
25 percent and 30 percent. Low crude prices have undermined the
government's traditional strategy of soaking up unemployment in the
state sector through job creation. At the same time, a steady
supply of low-paid foreign labor from Asia and the Middle East has
made it unattractive for private firms to hire Saudi nationals.

Crown Prince Abdallah -- the kingdom's de facto ruler since a
stroke incapacitated his brother, King Fahd -- has shown support
for market-based economic reform as a solution to the country's
employment problems. Saudi membership in the World Trade
Organization is an important component of Abdallah's strategy. That
may prove a weakness as well as a strength.
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Saudi negotiations with the WTO have been underway since the early
1990s, but only last year the government began systematically
addressing structural issues of accession. In August 1999, Abdullah
established a Supreme Economic Council and charged it with
preparing the country's institutions for WTO membership, expanding
the nonstate sector of the economy and reducing Saudi Arabia's
reliance on foreign workers.

The WTO process is moving slowly, which reflects the need to
achieve consensus within the ruling family and caution about Saudi
Arabia's tightly controlled interface with the outside world. By
October 2000, Riyadh had completed bilateral talks with ten current
WTO members, with Japan the only major economy among them.
Accession is unlikely within the next year since it will require
drawn-out negotiations with the United States and the European
Union.

At first glance, joining the WTO seems a barely relevant goal. WTO
rules do not govern trade in crude oil. Since the country exports
only crude oil and petroleum products, WTO membership will do
little to open foreign markets to Saudi goods.

The Supreme Economic Council has identified legal reform as one of
its main tasks, hoping a more transparent and predictable legal
system will attract investment from foreign companies and the huge
pool of Saudi capital now stashed overseas. The investment
opportunities Saudi Arabia has to offer beyond oil which is likely
to remain state-controlled are unclear.

The real benefit of Saudi WTO membership may flow from forcing the
government to undertake sensible domestic reforms that vested
interests or inertia have blocked. Tighter rules on farm trade, for
example, could shut down most of the country's inefficient
agricultural sector, which saw explosive growth in the 1970s and
1980s based on heavy subsidies. Agriculture now accounts for 6
percent of GNP, yet the kingdom remains an importer of food and
most of the labor force in this sector is foreign.
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Improved efficiency and a better business climate may raise living
standards, but these are marginal issues. The country's most
serious economic problems involve fiscal and budget policy, not
trade, and WTO membership will do little to resolve them.

Saudi Arabia's public-sector debt has grown to 120 percent of
annual GDP. State-controlled pension funds have soaked up most
government bonds issued so far, indebtedness is now growing at an
unsustainable rate, and the 1999 budget deficit totaled 6.5 percent
of GDP. Privatization of state assets is one option for bringing
the debt burden under control. There has been some slow progress
here, with the country's national airline and telecommunications
system prepared for sale. But the ruling family has limited state
revenues since it apparently won't sell Saudi ARAMCO, by far the
most valuable asset in the state's portfolio and an enormous source
of political patronage.

The only alternative is much deeper reductions in government
spending. Saudi Arabia has plenty of fat to cut: foreign aid has
averaged an astonishing 4 percent of GDP in recent years. A large
share of the country's huge military budget probably represents
kickbacks on weapons contracts brokered by members of the ruling
family. And massive subsidies provide generous social benefits to
Saudi citizens.

Tampering with these items, however, could endanger the political
balance keeping the House of Saudi in power. They ensure the
loyalty of the general population and thousands of minor ruling
family members, who rely on government-linked dealings as a source
of income. Fiscal reform, in other words, may be far more important
than trade and investment reform but also much harder to implement.
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To: kormac who wrote (78166)11/8/2000 2:17:28 AM
From: isopatch  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 95453
 
We jest dig em up, brew some tanner leaves & bingo, another voter<G>/eom