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To: Aggie who wrote (79391)11/17/2000 8:13:52 PM
From: James Oyer  Respond to of 95453
 
SA guaranteeing oil

cnn.com

Is OPEC over?



To: Aggie who wrote (79391)11/17/2000 9:14:21 PM
From: JungleInvestor  Respond to of 95453
 
OT: Aggie, excellent article on stealing the election.

opinionjournal.com

The Donkey in the Living Room
The Democrats want to steal the election. Why isn't that news?

BY PEGGY NOONAN
Friday, November 17, 2000 12:01 a.m. EST

For many years there has been a famous phrase that derives from the 12-step recovery movement. It refers to a thing that is very big, and obvious, and of crucial importance, that people around it refuse for whatever reason to acknowledge. It's called the elephant in the living room.

There is an elephant in the living room in the Florida story. Actually, it's a donkey. And actually, there are a number of them.

When the story of the Florida recounts and hand-counts and court decisions is reported on network and local TV, and in the great broadsheet newspapers, the journalists uniformly fail to speak of the donkey in the living room. They give great and responsible attention to the Florida story. But with a unity that is perhaps willful, perhaps unconscious, perhaps a peculiar expression of an attempt at fairness, they avoid the donkey.

You know what the donkey is. The donkey is the explicit fear, grounded in fact, in anecdotal evidence, in the affidavits of on-the-ground participants, and in the history of some of the participants, that the Gore-Clinton Democratic party is trying to steal the election. Not to resolve it--to steal it. That is, they are not using hand-counting to determine who won, they are using hand-counting to win.

They are attempting to do this through chicanery, and by interpreting various ballots any way they choose. As in, "This ballot seems to have a mild indentation next to the word Bush. Well, that's not a vote. Person might have changed his mind. This ballot seems to have a mild indentation for Gore; the person who cast this ballot was probably old, and too weak to puncture the paper card. But you can see right here there's a mark kind of thing. I think that's a vote, don't you Charley?" "Oh yeah, that's a vote all right."

That's how the chads probably got to the floor in the counting rooms. That is one of the increasing number of stories--none of which are ever the lead, all of which wind up on page 11--indicating the possibility of significant vote fraud throughout the election.

Columnists are writing about it--George Will wrote a great column suggesting what is happening in Florida amounts to an attempted coup, and Michael Kelly wrote suggesting Mr. Gore is not a helper of democracy but a harmer of it; the conservative magazines have weighed in, as has The Wall Street Journal editorial page. You can hear vote fraud discussed on the all-argument political shows on TV and radio.
But it is not reported as news. And it only counts when it's news. And this is most extraordinary because the Republican fear of fraud--the legitimate fear of it--is the major reason the Bush people don't want more hand counts. They do not trust the counters.

This question--the extent of vote fraud in this election, and the fact that the Republicans think it is governing what is happening in Florida--is not the unspoken subtext of the drama. It is the unspoken text.

Republicans are convinced, and for good reason, that Bill Daley, who learned at his father's knee, and Al Gore, who learned at Bill Clinton's, are fraudulently attempting to carry out an anti-democratic strategy that is a classic of vote stealing: Keep counting until you win, and the minute you "win" announce that the American people are tired of waiting for an answer and deserve to know who won.

Could a political party in this great and sophisticated democracy, in this wired democracy where sooner or later every shadow sees sunlight, steal a prize as big and rich and obvious as the presidency?

Yes. Of course. If the history of the past half century has taught us anything it's that determined people can do anything. What might stop it? If the media would start leading the news with investigations into the prevalence of vote fraud and the possibility that the presidential election is being stolen.

There have been a number of shameful public moments in the drama so far--Mr. Daley announcing that "the will of the people" is that Mr. Gore win, Mr. Gore's own aggressive remarks in the days just after the election, Hillary Clinton announcing, in the middle of what may become a crisis involving the Electoral College, that her first act will be to do away with the college. And there is this Internet column from Paul Begala, who prepped Mr. Gore for his debates with Mr. Bush. He acknowledged that when you look at an electoral map of the United States, you see a sea of red for Mr. Bush, and clots of blue for Mr. Gore.
"But if you look closely at that map you see a more complex picture. You see the state where James Byrd was lynch-dragged behind a pickup truck until his body came apart--it's red. You see the state where Matthew Shepard was crucified on a split-rail fence for the crime of being gay--it's red. You see the state where right-wing extremists blew up a federal office building and murdered scores of federal employees--it's red. The state where an Army private who was thought to be gay was bludgeoned to death with a baseball bat, and the state where neo-Nazi skinheads murdered two African-Americans because of their skin color, and the state where Bob Jones University spews its anti-Catholic bigotry: they're all red too."

It was a remarkably hate-filled column, but also a public service in that it revealed what animates Clinton-Gore thinking regarding their opponents: hatred pure and simple, a hatred that used to be hidden and now proudly walks forward.

It stands in the living room too.

As does the unstated but implicit message of the hatred: that extraordinary means are understandable when you're trying to save America from the terrible people who would put George W. Bush in the presidency so that they can kill more homosexuals and black men and blow up federal buildings and kill toddlers. Really, if Republicans are so bad it's probably good to steal elections from them, don't you think?

I never thought I would wind up nostalgic for the days when I merely disagreed with Democratic presidents. But whoever doubted the patriotism, the love of country, of John Kennedy or Jimmy Carter?

This crew we have now, Messrs. Gore and Clinton and their operatives, they seem, to my astonishment as an American, to be men who would never put their country's needs before their own if there were even the mildest of conflicts between the two. America is the platform of their ambitions, not the driving purpose of them.

Another donkey in the living room: the sense that Republicans are no match for the Democrats in terms of ferocity, audacity, shrewdness, the killer instinct. Republicans seem incapable of going down to the level of Gore-Clinton operatives. They think that you cannot really defend something you love with hatred because hatred is by its nature destructive: It scalds and scars and eats away.

Republicans seem to be losing the public relations war. The Democrats have David Boies and Bill Daley, each, forgive me, smooth as an enema, in Evelyn Waugh's phrase. The Republicans have James Baker, who seems irritated and perplexed. Perhaps he is taken aback by how the game has changed, how the Democrats he faces now operate by rules quite different, and much rougher, than the ones they played by 20 years ago.

Now the game for the Gore camp is to win any way you can in Florida, and if you can't win delay, and in the delay maybe you'll win when the Electoral College comes together, or maybe at the very least even if someone stops you, you'll have ruined the legitimacy of the man who does win, which will make it easier for you as you wait in the wings for the rematch in 2004.
There are a lot of donkeys in the living room in Florida, and maybe the Bush people should start to talk about them. Maybe that will make them news. It can't hurt. It's a circus down there anyway.

Ms. Noonan is a contributing editor of The Wall Street Journal and author of "The Case Against Hillary Clinton" (Regan Books, 2000). Her column appears Fridays.



To: Aggie who wrote (79391)11/17/2000 9:18:59 PM
From: JungleInvestor  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 95453
 
Don't lose all hope though, Aggie, because Paul Gigot found the "Chicago way" for Bush to win:

opinionjournal.com

POTOMAC WATCH

Chicago Rules: Two Can Play at That Game
This political war may have to be settled politically.

BY PAUL A. GIGOT
Friday, November 17, 2000 12:01 a.m. EST

"He pulls a knife on you, you pull a gun. He sends one of yours to the hospital, you send one of his to the morgue. That's the Chicago way."

--Sean Connery to Kevin Costner (Eliot Ness) in "The Untouchables"

Al Gore isn't Al Capone, and election-theft isn't murder. But abetted by two old Cook County pols, William Daley and Jesse Jackson, Al Gore is now playing politics the Chicago way.

So George W. Bush has no choice but to follow Sean Connery and play by the same rules. Indeed, he has an obligation to do so. The alternative is to let Bill Clinton's vice president use Democratic vote recounters to discover enough dimpled chads to declare victory.

Now is not the time for above-it-all punditry. The moral-equivalence media--"they both deserve to lose"--are sly partisans anyway. By tarring both men equally, they conveniently absolve Mr. Gore for having started this fight by spinning unfortunate incompetence (the Democrat-designed butterfly ballot) as unfair "disenfranchisement."

Nor is it correct to say that the loser will somehow be the real winner. Letting Al Gore deconstruct the electoral process until he wins may be a "civics lesson," but it's a bad one. An abuse of power will continue until it fails. Democrats agreed to repeal their horrendous independent-counsel law only after it was turned on them. And Clarence Thomas's only consolation is that he sits on the Supreme Court.

This is now a political duel to the death, which is why both sides are using the Florida institutions they control to prevail. "Keep your eye on the final authority," advises an old Washington hand. So let's assess the dueling forces:

• Democratic manual vote-counters. If they are allowed to manufacture enough new votes, Mr. Gore wins. That's why Democrats put so much pressure on Broward County Judge Robert Lee this week to reverse his opposition to a manual recount. Perhaps they made an offer he couldn't refuse.

Miami-Dade County is also now reconsidering, no doubt under similar Gore persuasion. Broward had recounted 20,000 votes by yesterday morning, picking up only eight Gore votes. At that rate, Broward would only deliver 232 more Gore chads. So the veep's Chicago Boys must figure they need 650,000 more Dade ballots to overcome Mr. Bush's lead.

Bill Daley's dad was smarter: He squeezed out his huge 1960 Kennedy margins on election night. (That result led to a joke: JFK, Dean Rusk and Mayor Richard Daley are in a lifeboat with only enough food for one. They fight over who should eat, until Daley proposes a vote by secret ballot. Daley wins, eight to two.)

• Secretary of State Katherine Harris. This Republican is getting the Kathleen Willey treatment for having the guts to refuse manual recounts. Ms. Harris's use of discretion under Florida law is said to be partisan, but Democratic chad-inspectors divining "voter intent" are merely Solomonic public servants!

Mr. Gore knew the Harris decision was coming Wednesday night, which is why he jumped the TV queue to propose a statewide recount. He also knows that if Mr. Bush still leads by midnight Friday (after overseas ballots are counted), the Texan's victory will be certified, and the veep could suffer in public opinion. Which is why he's calling in . . .

• The Florida Supreme Court. Mr. Gore desperately wants these seven Democratic appointees to insist that every pregnant Democratic chad be counted. Bush lawyers say the judges would have to stretch to find that Ms. Harris has acted "arbitrarily and capriciously," a high judicial bar. Especially since her decision is supported on the state canvassing board by Democrat Bob Crawford.

But the Florida court hinted at its bent yesterday by deciding to allow manual recounts faster than Jesse Jackson runs to a TV camera. Maybe these judges will show judicial restraint, but don't count on it.

Then collars really get tight. If Ms. Harris concedes and counts pregnant chads, Mr. Gore wins. But if Ms. Harris insists that her already certified count is final, Florida would have a separation-of-powers standoff. The Bush team would then have to decide whether to drop the Big One.

• The Florida legislature. My legal sources say that when a state's presidential vote is in doubt, federal law (U.S. Code Title 3, Sec. 2) gives a state legislature the discretion to appoint electors. Republicans dominate the Florida assembly, 77-43, and the state senate, 25-15. They could assert that when the executive branch and courts disagree, or when there are two different vote counts, the legislature gets the final say. Mr. Bush would get the electors.

This would take political nerve, because Democrats would shout that the GOP is defying the law. But Democratic judges who overreach their power are no less political than elected Republicans who assert theirs. The only other alternative is to appeal to . . .

• The U.S. Supreme Court. This would be a final authority and guarantee presidential legitimacy. But it isn't clear the court would even take the case. A Bush appeal (like its current appeal to the 11th Circuit to stop manual recounts) would be based in part on equal protection grounds that allow federal intervention in state elections. But that argument would be made to a court that includes conservatives who prefer limiting federal power over states.

This political war may yet have to be settled politically. We know Mr. Gore will do anything to win. We are still learning about Mr. Bush. What ironic but satisfying justice it would be if the candidate who tried to prosper by Chicago rules was defeated by them.

Mr. Gigot is a member of The Wall Street Journal's editorial board. His column appears Fridays in the Journal and on OpinionJournal.com.