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Politics : Why is Gore Trying to Steal the Presidency? -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Tom D who wrote (3277)12/3/2000 1:47:45 PM
From: The Duke of URLĀ©  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3887
 
But an analysis commissioned by The Herald of voting
patterns in each of the state's 5,885 precincts suggests


The difference between information in court and information in newspapers and threads, is that the later can be wild BS assertions not based on ultimate facts.



To: Tom D who wrote (3277)12/3/2000 1:54:02 PM
From: Ellen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3887
 
salon.com

Out of control
Why have conservative journalists lost it over the perfectly predictable
battle in Florida?

- - - - - - - - - - - -
By Eric Boehlert

Dec. 1, 2000 | For George Will, the syndicated columnist and former
Republican speechwriter, the cheese fell off the cracker on Nov. 11.
That's when the mass-market intellectual, who prides himself on
occupying a plane above the noisy fray, uncorked a column in the
Washington Post that rattled with a peculiar hostility.

The topic, of course, was the unfolding Florida recount of presidential
ballots. The average American, Republican or Democrat, may have
thought what was happening in Florida was a predictable, if highly
contentious, legal battle to decide one of the closest elections in
American history. But Will saw much more. He detected the remnants
of Monica Lewinsky's "stained blue dress." He saw Gore's "serial
mendacity." He spied a "corrupting hunger for power," a selfish
attempt to create "postelection chaos" and "delegitimize the election."

That was just the beginning. In weeks to come, as
the recount battle was played out in Florida's
courts, Will, coming across less as the
Montesquieu-quoting sage he fancies himself and
more a foaming GOP attack dog, spouted on about
"Gore's attempted coup," "slow motion larceny,"
"manufactured votes" and a "stolen" election.

The rest of the respectable conservative press
brayed just as loudly. Michael Kelly, whose
animus against President Clinton (forged in the
Lewinsky scandal) cost him his editor's job at the
New Republic, insisted in his Washington Post
column that Gore's "revolting" campaign was
littered with "hacks and political thugs."

At the Weekly Standard, a magazine that referred to the vice president
of the United States as "the jerk" during the campaign, editors could
barely contain their spleen. According to their current cover story,
Gore is "self-obsessed, conniving and dangerous." He's "certainly
divisive and ruthless, and wholly obsessed with achieving his ends," a
man "seen as compulsively mendacious. Politicians lie, but few do so
as audaciously and with such self-satisfaction as Gore."

The more rabid right-wingers, of course, were positively apoplectic
with rage. To Ann Coulter, who has made a career out of loudly hating
Clinton since the Lewinsky sex scandal first broke, the confused voters
in Florida were "stupid," "feeble-minded" "jackasses," while the Florida
Supreme Court represented "a kangaroo court."

Just what was Gore's unspeakable sin? What did he do that caused the
entire conservative press to lose its moorings at once? The winner of
the nation's popular vote, he aggressively, but lawfully, contested a
crucial state race so close -- the difference in Florida represents just .01
percent of the statewide vote -- that if the election were a 100-meter
dash at the Olympics, both Gore and Bush would have been declared
winners in a dead heat.

Even Bush supporters find it hard to argue with a straight face that the
Texas governor wouldn't have done pretty much the same thing if their
situations were reversed.

Of course, you expect partisans to be partisans. Republicans have
enough bottled-up impeachment frustration to power a locomotive, and
conservatives haven't been locked out of the White House for this
long since the Beatles invaded America. No one thought that the
vein-bulging right-wingers were suddenly going to call for national
patience with their horse in the lead, even if only by a ten-thousandth
of an inch.

Still, their all-out, no-holds-barred assault on Gore is so wildly
disproportionate to its putative cause as to be almost surreal. And
what's even more remarkable is that their lock-step rantings don't even
raise eyebrows anymore. It's as if the impeachment debacle created a
minimum standard for conservative bile, and now everyone simply
takes it for granted that the right-wing press will serve up bitter,
resentful, ad hominem attacks on the flimsiest of pretexts. For the more
thoughtful of conservative critics, this can scarcely be cause for
rejoicing.

Next page | Could conservatives really be mad at ... Bush?
1, 2, 3, 4



To: Tom D who wrote (3277)12/3/2000 1:56:15 PM
From: Ellen  Respond to of 3887
 
herald.com

Type of voting machine used may be clue to
undervotes

BY STEVE HARRISON
sharrison@herald.com

Since election day, a nagging question has been why a handful of Palm Beach County precincts
had high number of undervotes -- some more than 10 percent. The answer may lie with the type of
voting machine that was used.

Of the 10 precincts in Palm Beach County with the highest percentage of undervotes for president --
ballots on which a machine couldn't read a vote for any candidate -- eight precincts used the
Data-Punch voting machine, a lesser-used clone of the Votomatic machine.

Overall in Palm Beach County, voters using the Data-Punch were more than 2.5 times as likely to
have an undervote as those using the Votomatic, Herald research shows. The county's 3,770
Votomatics produced 5,317 undervotes, while the 1,360 Data-Punch machines produced 4,994
undervotes.

Democrats, who are contesting the results in Palm Beach County, say the Data-Punch is flawed, and
caused hundreds of dimpled and dented chads.

Undervotes accounted for as many as 10 percent of all ballots cast in some Palm Beach precincts.
Countywide, undervotes made up 2 percent of all 462,644 ballots cast.
DEMOCRATS TARGET

In making their case against the Data-Punch machine, Democrats are focusing on precincts like
162E in west Delray Beach where 11 percent of all ballots cast were undervotes, 148D in Boynton
Beach with 10 percent undervotes, and 193 in Boca Raton with 12 percent undervotes.

All three went heavily for Gore. All used the Data-Punch machine.

Palm Beach County voting equipment coordinator David Moore can't explain the high number of
undervotes with Data-Punch machines.

The Data-Punch machines were used in 75 of 531 precincts, mostly clustered in heavily Democratic
sections of Boynton Beach, Delray Beach and Boca Raton. No precinct had a mix of Data-Punch
and Votomatic machines, Moore said.

``[The machines] are virtually the same thing,'' Moore said. ``Maybe it's the demographics. Maybe
there are older voters who have problems punching through.''

But while Precinct 162E is comprised of mostly elderly voters, other Data-Punch precincts with high
numbers of undervotes include a mix of young and old voters. Moore's boss, Tony Enos, wasn't
available Thursday -- he was driving the county's ballots to Tallahassee.
NEARLY IDENTICAL

The machines are almost identical, except that Votomatics come enclosed in a metal suitcase,
which, when opened, becomes a mini-voting booth. Data-Punch machines are portable, allowing
voters to pick them up for convenience.

Data-Punch is a clone of the Votomatic, except that the Data-Punch uses a different type of plastic
or rubber backing -- called a ``T-Strip'' -- behind the paper ballot. The T-Strip allows chads to fall
into a collecting bin.

Democrats have speculated that some machines were clogged with chads, or that T-Strips were
either too stiff or weak, making it difficult for chads to fall through.

Dennis Newman, an attorney for the Democratic Party, said he wasn't surprised by the apparent
problem. ``The Data-Punch is a newer but less reliable machine.''

On Nov. 24, in an effort to make the canvassing board count more dimpled chads, Democrats
summoned the inventor of the Votomatic, 83-year-old William Rouveral.

MACHINES RETURNED

Rouveral told the canvassing board that Data-Punch machines used plastic T-Strips instead of
rubber strips in the Votomatic, adding that the plastic strips are more likely to become worn down
after heavy use. That could force cards to bend, which could create dimpled chads, Rouveral said.

Moore said that the county returned its Data-Punch machines in the late 1980s because the plastic
T-strips were too stiff. The manufacturer replaced the strips, and Palm Beach County had no more
problems, he said.

Lora Lee Stephens, owner of San Diego-based Election Data Corp., Data-Punch's manufacturer,
said she doesn't believe the machines are the problem.

``Maybe the people at those precincts had bad instructions from poll workers,'' Stephens said.

She said Data-Punch machines are used throughout the United States, including San Diego County
in California, and Dupage and Cook counties in Illinois.

``This is a lot of hot air. Voters aren't taking responsibility,'' she said.

Her husband, Richard Stephens, was in Tallahassee earlier this week at the request of Republicans,
who asked him to explain how the two machines worked.



To: Tom D who wrote (3277)12/3/2000 2:03:24 PM
From: Ellen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3887
 
dailynews.yahoo.com

Friday December 1 2:51 PM ET
Fla. Vote Difference Is Miniscule

By CALVIN WOODWARD, Associated Press Writer

WASHINGTON (AP) - If George W. Bush (news - web sites) and Al Gore (news - web
sites) were Olympic bobsledders, they'd both get a gold medal and a pat on the back for
their dead heat. If they were precision car parts, they'd both make the grade.

Few familiar things in life are judged to such a fine point as the difference in votes in
Florida.

Out of 5,825,043 Florida votes, Bush was awarded 537 more than Gore. Rounded off,
that's one in 11,000.

A person is slightly more likely to be born with cataracts or win the big prize in the Pick
4 lottery.

Put another way, Bush's certified Florida win - giving him the presidency if it holds up
against Gore's legal challenges - amounts to a margin of 0.00009, just short of one
ten-thousandths of a point.


In many aspects of life, that's not just splitting hairs, it's splitting split ends.

They say baseball, for example, is a game of inches. If the Florida vote were a game of
baseball, Bush's margin would amount to less than half an inch around the base paths.

They also say it isn't over until the fat lady sings. If the contest were Richard Wagner's
17-hour ``Ring of the Nibelungen,'' Bush and Gore would be separated by about 5.6
seconds of song, hardly time for the lady to clear her throat.

Laurence Tribe, arguing Gore's side in the Supreme Court on Friday, said the outcome
was ``a kind of photo finish'' and what's going on now ``is rather like looking more
closely at the photograph.''

It may not have been the most helpful analogy for Gore; if he and Bush were horses,
the Republican's lead, while very small, would be discernible. Bush would be ahead by
just under nine inches, for example, in the 1.5-mile Belmont Stakes.

What courts are deciding, in essence, is where to draw the finish line.

The ratio of Bush's edge is equivalent to a half inch up the Washington Monument or a
nearly 13-foot win in a marathon. It's about half the size of Leon County - home of the
Florida Legislature and busy courts - in an area the size of the United States.

It's as if three fewer Americans stabbed themselves with scissors, something that more
than 30,000 people seek emergency room treatment for in a year.

Time-measured Olympic events don't dip into the realm of ten-thousandths. Most settle
for hundredths: U.S. swimmers Gary Hall Jr. and Anthony Ervin shared gold in the
50-meter freestyle with a 21.98-second performance.

Even critical car parts pass muster if they are just one-ten thousandths off, engineers
say.

``Anything mechanical that has wear and tear would be within that range,'' says Patrick
Berzinski of Stevens Institute of Technology in Hoboken, N.J.

This is, of course, democracy, not ball bearings.

It doesn't matter how small the edge in Florida, only that there be an edge of one vote.

But that assumes certitude in counting and a fixed finish line. Florida's twists and turns
have been enough to send David Murray, director of the Statistical Assessment
Service, into metaphysical musings.

It's like a journey that begins with one step covering half the distance, he says
excitedly. Each succeeding step also covers half the remaining distance.

You always get closer but you never arrive.

``Don't go there,'' Murray says, as if to himself. ``That's the abyss.''

To be sure, some things other than Florida elections matter by the tiniest of bits.
Pollutants are measured in parts per billion.

Then there is perhaps the most perfect measuring thing of all, the cesium clock. The
U.S. Naval Observatory uses about 70 of them along with other instruments for the
nation's Master Clock.

Accurate to one second in 1.4 million years, the cesium clock ``is the most accurate
realization of a unit that mankind has yet achieved,'' the observatory says.

Gore lives in the vice presidential mansion on the observatory grounds, working these
days for a more favorable realization of a Florida unit.

-

EDITOR'S NOTE - Associated Press Writer Randolph E. Schmid contributed to this
story.