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To: Rarebird who wrote (63989)2/19/2001 7:38:32 AM
From: long-gone  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116766
 
No, not surprised you're here, despite our differences, you are a rather sharp guy, and can feel the earth beginning to move. What I was contemplating was the impact of the strong dollar on Mexico and if Bush & Fox spoke about it. Mexico has billions(t?) of tons of sugar in inventory that would be priced far better in the world market were the US $ a bit cheaper. There is a rather large amount of mining also in Mexico that were it able to operate at a profit would reduce the amount of immigration fo the US even were the border more open. Then there are their great oil & gas reserves - that we need at even these prices.

Perhaps electrical generation in Baja from natural gas offshore exported to CA. USA? As the left coasters want no new generation plants in their state?

The friendship between Fox & Bush will help both countries and perhaps even Gold & more likely silver.



To: Rarebird who wrote (63989)7/5/2001 7:45:19 AM
From: long-gone  Respond to of 116766
 
Update Mexico - One year after(at least one side of the story):

Mexicans acknowledge changes 1 year after election


MEXICO CITY
(July 1, 2001 01:18 p.m. EDT ) - When Vicente Fox stood at a victory rally on the muggy night last July 2 as Mexico's first opposition candidate ever to win the presidency, he told cheering supporters that a new Mexico had been born.

One year later, the old Mexico can still be seen everywhere: Cops still take bribes, children still go hungry. But from the gated mansions to damp alleys of cinderblock shacks, there has been a psychological change. It's a quiet wave of pride, responsibility, hope, a fledgling revival of civic spirit, all revolutionary in a nation long dulled into cynicism.

Mexicans know better than anyone how old and deep the problems run. They want to give Fox, who was sworn in to office just seven months ago, more time before passing judgment.

But the change of heart can be felt even in one of the best-known symbols of Mexico's stagnation, the "Casa Grande," a sprawling tenement in the heart of Mexico City's toughest neighborhood, Tepito.

In 1961, U.S. anthropologist Oscar Lewis described the tenement's seemingly endless cycle of poverty in his book "The Children of Sanchez," in which he examined one family, given the pseudonym Sanchez.

Forty years later, Luis Hernandez - called Manuel in the book and the last of "Sanchez family" still at the tenement - has educated himself with dog-eared books, owns a small second-hand goods store and hopes that change in Mexico's long-corrupt government may finally have come.

"I hope that Fox can do it," said Hernandez, 68, sitting with old friends in the store on the street where he grew up. "He did well as a businessman, and he should do well as a leader - if we just let him work."

A few miles away - but worlds apart - high gates protect the mansions of the Las Lomas neighborhood. Here, writer Guadalupe Loeza said well-heeled guests at a recent dinner party felt the beginnings of a new civic spirit.

"They said, 'We want to get health insurance for our girls (servants),'" Loeza recalled. "When has anybody in Mexico said that?"

In downtown Mexico City, smack between Tepito and Las Lomas, lies a sprawling office complex that once served as the command center for resistance to change.

Even here, at the headquarters of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the PRI, which held Mexico's presidency from 1929 to 2000, some acknowledge the change.

"One of the things our party discovered was freedom, and the freedom to think," said Francisco Labastida, Fox's rival and the first PRI candidate ever to lose a presidential race. "When we always held the presidency, we didn't have to think. The government did that for us."

Labastida said crime had grown worse under Fox, but praised the president for creating Mexico's first real division of power: Congress and the courts, which traditionally obeyed the president, have occasionally defied Fox.

Fox's election was a turning point for Mexico, Labastida concedes. "We have gained confidence in the power of our vote, and that's no doubt a triumph."

But Fox's record so far is a mix of inspiration and contradiction.

He has ordered audits to clean out corruption and fired hundreds of suspect officials - but failed to start the kind of probe into past government massacres and frauds that many expected would come with the ouster of the old regime.

He has seen the peso strengthen, inflation drop and interest rates plummet from 18 percent to 8 percent. And he has built a closer relationship with George W. Bush than any Mexican leader has ever had with a U.S. president.

But the changes Mexicans hoped to see in their everyday lives are still far off.

Fox promised 1.4 million new jobs and 4.5 percent economic growth, but the U.S. economic downturn cost Mexico 400,000 jobs and lowered growth projections to 2.5 percent. He also has proposed a wildly unpopular sales tax on food and medicine.

And for all the talk of government austerity and honesty, Fox's administration recently admitted it bought $443 towels and $1,060 sheets for the president's residence. A top Fox aide resigned after an investigation revealed the government hadn't even received the pricey housewares.

Nor have Fox's sometimes overbearing personal habits caught on. There has been no upsurge in demand for cowboy boots like the ones he wears, and his propensity to use popular slang and homespun expressions is starting to wear thin.

And yet for many Mexicans the change has already arrived - even if only in their hearts.

"We don't want to be irresponsible anymore," said Loeza, the writer, describing the tax evasion, bribe-paying and cynicism that most Mexicans have long lived by.

Historian Lorenzo Meyer said many people need to believe change has come, if only to avoid getting depressed.

"If I voted for a change, and it came out badly, then I did something bad," Meyer said. "And I don't want to admit that."

Fox consciously stokes the fires of faith, in the light of harsh economic times.

"I need the honeymoon to go on," he told reporters last week. "Don't divorce me."

Most of those who say they have seen no change - and there are many - feel Fox has abandoned the small triumphs that Mexico won in its revolution a century ago: strict separation of church and state, and lip service, at least, to justice for the poor.

Ramona Ortiz Ledesma, 93, witnessed the revolution as a young girl and hasn't been won over by Fox.

"I don't see anything good coming of that man. He doesn't talk to the common people," Ortiz said, sewing in her Tepito home. "Before, even if the presidents never lived up to their promises, at least they spoke to us and promised nice things."
interestalert.com



To: Rarebird who wrote (63989)7/24/2001 3:15:51 PM
From: long-gone  Respond to of 116766
 
Update Mexico US border. And the currency would be?:
Magazine Suggests U.S.-Mexican Border Should Morph Into a Separate Country
NewsMax.com
Tuesday, July 24, 2001
In recent years, immigrant groups and globalists have been calling for the abolition of the U.S.-Mexican border -- and its replacement by a border "zone" -- an autonomous area as wide as 100 miles on either side of the current border. Such advocates have argued that this zone would also have its own government -- separate from Washington and Mexico City.
This idea of a "third nation" straddling the U.S.-Mexican border is not to scoffed at. In early July the respected Economist magazine featured a lengthy article calling for just that -- an autonomous zone between the two countries.

From San Diego/Tijuana on the west to Brownsville/Matamoros on the east, a strange new nation has been born along the U.S.-Mexican border, the Economist argues.

There's something like a Third World nation developing immediately south of the border, and it is drawing U.S. cities north of the border into its orbit and its problems.

In a wide-ranging special report on the cross-border phenomenon, the Economist declares that "Thinking of the border as a separate country makes some kind of sense."

And, The Economist notes, it would make a strange country; "At the Western end it is half-Anglo and at the other almost totally Hispanic. It is richer than Mexico, poorer than the United States, but booming."

The genesis of this new country is NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement. Companies, mostly foreign-owned, hot on the trail to cash in on the agreement's looser trade restrictions raced to the border areas in Mexico and built plants to turn out duty-free goods and hired Mexican workers.

From all over Mexico workers poured into the border towns, eager to earn wages unavailable to them at home. So many migrated to the border area in the past 10 years that the population soared 30 percent. And along with the prosperity the new jobs created, they brought the problems that always plague boom towns that spring up where there was little previously.

Because of the rapid growth, the cities and towns have been unable to keep up with the population and cannot provide the services the hordes of new residents need.

They cannot provide electricity, roads, schools or housing. Crime rates have shot up and many of the areas now risk running out of water over the next 20 years or so. Workers and their families often live in ramshackle houses they put together with junk materials.

The south's problems inevitably hit the cities immediately to the north, and both sides grapple with their problems under the handicap of having to go to their distant national capitals to deal with joint issues.

The emergence of the new border megalopolis has put a crimp in the United States' influx of illegal aliens. The Economist points out that although some 300,000 Mexicans cross the border every year, in 1997 671,000 Mexicans came north from all over Mexico to stay and work south of the border.

The new factories that draw this mass migration, known locally as "maquiladoras," produce goods duty free for export, principally to the United States. As of now, more than a million workers have flooded into the area to work in the plants, boosting the population by a dizzying 150 percent since 1990.

Housing and water are among the worst problems. Disposal of toxic wastes from the factories is another. Drugs are widespread - and cheap: A dose of crystalline methamphetamine costs a mere $2.20, a shot of heroin about $5.

Service in cities north of the border are being overtaxed by the population boom to the south.

All of these problems affect the U.S. border cities. Attempts to work jointly with their neighbors south of the border have been largely stymied because every cross-border matter is an international matter and must be handled by the two national governments.

The Economist cites one example of this quandary. "El Paso's firemen once responded to an emergency in Ciudad Juarez, only to realize that their life insurance did not cover them across the border."

"It is a shame, for a poor and a rich country side by side have some great opportunities for collaboration," The Economist noted.

"For example, Tijuana and San Diego both need new aqueducts to bring water from the east. 'They should build one together on Mexican land, with Mexican labor and American financing,' Charles Nathanson, a San Diego think tank executive, told The Economist. 'But the politics make it very complicated.'"

Mexico has taken a step toward solving that political problem. Vicente Fox has created the post of border commissioner, who is authorized to deal with the border problems, but solutions are still a long way off.

But the Economist makes plain what the globalists want: an end to America's clearly demarcated border and the creation of a new country outside the jurisdiction of the U.S. government.
newsmax.com