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Politics : Impeach George W. Bush -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (2331)4/8/2001 9:58:34 PM
From: jlallen  Respond to of 93284
 
Well after the Clinton years, lying (if any of them did lie) is clearly no big thing anymore. That's what happens when people put a scumbag in the WH like Clinto the Magnficent. The bar got lowered. JLA



To: Mephisto who wrote (2331)4/11/2001 11:20:55 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 93284
 
GAIL NORTON AG OF COLORADO FROM 1990-1998 and DEATH OF A RIVER


"Ms. Norton, like Mr. Bush, has long advocated allowing the mining, timber and oil industries more leeway to police themselves "


The Death of a River Looms Over Choice for Interior Post

"But it is not Ms. Norton's conduct as the state's chief legal officer that is being debated in connection with the Summitville mine. Rather, it is her philosophy. Ms. Norton, like Mr. Bush, has long advocated
allowing the mining, timber and oil industries more leeway to police themselves. Their argument is that if businesses are given incentives, like immunity from fines and prosecution, for reporting and cleaning up
their own pollution, most will do the right thing—A SO-CALLED SELF AUDIT."


By TIMOTHY EGAN
From The New York Times
January 7, 2001


"Eight years ago, Ignacio Rodriguez took his grandson out for an afternoon of fishing near his house on the Alamosa River in the foothills of the San Juan Mountains in southwest Colorado. The river that runs through the
valley was his longtime neighbor, but on this day, he said, it was a stranger.

"The rocks were red and the river had some greenish tinge to it," Mr. Rodriguez said in a telephone interview last week. "The fish were all belly up. Rainbow trout and German browns — all dead. It was sickening."

Mr. Rodriguez was one of many witnesses to what state officials have called the worst environmental disaster in Colorado, a spill of cyanide and acidic water from a gold-mining operation that killed virtually every living thing in a 17-mile stretch of the Alamosa River, though causing no human injuries.

The company responsible for the leakage, the Summitville Consolidated Mining Corporation, declared bankruptcy, and its major officers fled the country, leaving taxpayers with a cleanup bill that is approaching $150 million.

It may take decades before clean water runs year-round through the Alamosa. But the account of what happened in the little valley in a remote corner of Colorado nearly a decade ago is emerging, both sides say, as a central
exhibit in the testing of the political philosophy of Gale A. Norton, President-elect George W. Bush's choice for secretary of the interior.

Ms. Norton, 46, was the attorney general in Colorado when the Alamosa was sterilized with waste from the Summitville mine, and it was under her that many of the legal proceedings against the mine were initiated. Even Ms. Norton's political opponents in Colorado say that her office did a commendable job in trying to get compensation for the damage, though they criticize her for not pressing criminal charges.

But it is not Ms. Norton's conduct as the state's chief legal officer that is being debated in connection with the Summitville mine. Rather, it is her philosophy. Ms. Norton, like Mr. Bush, has long advocated allowing the mining, timber and oil industries more leeway to police themselves. Their argument is that if
businesses are given incentives, like immunity from fines and prosecution, for reporting and cleaning up their own pollution, most will do the right thing— a so-called self-audit.

Ms. Norton has also been a consistent advocate of states' rights and minimal federal interference. But in the Summitville case, it was the federal government that stepped in, acting on an emergency basis after the
poisoning of the river to avert an even larger disaster, and later winning felony criminal convictions against many of the corporate owners of the mine.

The state welcomed the federal intervention.

"The whole problem with Summitville goes back to the essential trust that the state put in that mining company,"said Larry MacDonnell, former director of the Natural Resources Law Center at the University of Colorado. "Summitville is a poster child for the inadequacy of that kind of philosophy."

Regulation was so lax, and state laws so weak — both were strengthened after the mine disaster — that Summitville is seen by members of both parties in Colorado as a lesson for the vigilance that government needs to
keep over potential polluters.

Ms. Norton, like other cabinet choices, could not comment on past official actions pending her confirmation hearing.

But five years ago, when she was asked about how her philosophy of giving polluters incentives to come forth squared with the Summitville case, she said, "This was an unusual case, a situation where the individual in question knew about continued environmental problems and continued with operations in spite of that."

In her writings and speeches, Ms. Norton has preached a new kind of environmentalism, less dependent on federal policing, for example, "We need to give good businesses the incentive and the tools to be good environmental
citizens."

The death of the Alamosa River affected Ms. Norton deeply, said people who worked with her when she was attorney general from 1990 to 1998.

"Summitville to her was a disaster of huge magnitude," said Tim Tymkovich, who served as solicitor general for Ms. Norton. "Gale's philosophy would be not to let polluters off the hook," he said, but to give industries a chance to comply with regulations before acting to enforce them.

Supporters of Ms. Norton expect her to bring big changes to managing the more than 500 million acres of public land, from national parks to wildlife refuges, and to regulating the thousands of mines operating on federal property.


As a protégée of James G. Watt,
who angered environmental groups as Ronald Reagan's interiorsecretary, and as a onetime delegate to the Libertarian Party presidential convention, Ms. Norton has
advocated free-market approaches to solving environmental problems.

But even Ms. Norton's staunchest allies say the Summitville disaster points to the limitations of the free- market, hands-off approach.

"Self-auditing without the potential to bring down the hammer will not work," said Terry L. Anderson, who is a member of the Bush transition team on the interior, and is director of the Political Economy Research Center, a
free-market environmental research group in Bozeman, Mont. Mr. Anderson suggested Ms. Norton to Mr. Bush for the interior post.

"What Gale Norton will bring is reform, but not revolution," Mr. Anderson said. "To think that she will come in and let the polluters off the hook if they only agree to 'fess up is dead wrong."

But people who live in the valley that lost all aquatic life to a mine that was, according to courtdocuments, poorly regulated, say they fear that Ms. Norton will bring a philosophy to the office that only invites more Summitvilles.

"You should not let the coyotes guard the sheep pens," Mr. Rodriguez said.

Dr. Colin Henderson, a physician who lives near the Alamosa River, said: "The philosophy at the time this river was killed was to let industry police itself. You had a river where people used to catch fish, that people used to camp next to, where people used to rely on it for good irrigation water for their crops. And now it's been killed."

As interior secretary, Ms. Norton would have broad discretion over thousands of mines on public land. Under a 1872 mining law, companies or individuals are able to buy the public land on which they make their mining claim for only $2.50 an acre, a condition that the departing interior secretary, Bruce Babbitt, has ridiculed as a giveaway of epic proportions. in Mr. Babbitt has enlarged the regulatory power of the interior secretary, using his office to
deny permits to mines that are considered a threat to environmental or cultural treasures owned by all Americans.

"Babbitt could not get the Congress to reform the mining laws, but he has essentially reformed them himself through administrative actions," said David Getches, an environmental law professor at the University of Colorado. "Gale Norton will inherit that legacy of discretion. And she can use it either way."

Most months, the Alamosa River is a slight stream that falls steeply from headwaters at 12,000 feet in the high cradle of the San Juan Mountains. It drains into a valley of hay farmers, ranchers, urban exiles and others who live
in one of the driest of the high valleys of Colorado, before it slows to a trickle and breaks into small creeks. The valley is sparsely populated, and so far the biggest complaint of farmers has been that the acidic water has
corroded their irrigation equipment. Many residents have stopped using the water on their vegetable gardens.

People have been mining gold in the mountains above the valley for more than century, but it was not until the late 1980's that a new method was used. At Summitville, the method involved crushing millions of tons of rocks and
heaping them into giant piles, then soaking them with a cyanide solution that leached the gold from the rocks.

The mine was operated for about five years, until 1992, by Summitville, whose major shareholders were in Canada. At the time, the mine was leaching gold with cyanide, Colorado was in a deep recession and its Legislature cut back on enforcement and regulation of mining operations.


The mine was supposed to be supervised by the state, but from the very beginning, according to court documents, the plastic linings of containment ponds that held the stew of toxic waste were not properly installed — and the state never caught the problem. The linings were breached, sending poisons into the river. At the same time the mine became a money pit of financial losses.


In late 1992, just as the toxic waste water was filled to the brim and threatening a heavy spill into the valley, Summitville declared bankruptcy and shut down operations, and its officers fled.

It was left to the Environmental Protection Agency, using company workers familiar with the operation, to keep the toxins at bay. It is a continuing operation that federal officials say could go on for two more decades.

"The river was killed for 17 miles, but it would have been a heck of a lot worse if the feds had notstepped in," said Roger Flynn, who served on the governor's Summitville task force and is the director of Western Mining Action Project, an environmental group in Denver.


"At the time, our regulatory agencies had been gutted," Mr. Flynn said. "So we gave this mine the benefit of the doubt — laissez-faire, hands-off, the company says everything is fine —and look what happened."

Several corporate leaders of the mine were indicted by a federal grand jury and pleaded guilty to numerous felonies, including failure to disclose discharge of toxic waste. The state civil suits against the mine operators were
begun in 1996, with Ms. Norton's office joining the federal government in seeking repayment for the millions of dollars spent by the public to control the waste and clean up the mine.

But the state was criticized for its role. "Kudos to federal prosecutors for pressing criminal charges in the Summitville Mine disaster," The Denver Post said in an editorial in 1995. "Nonetheless, it's a shame that Colorado must rely on the feds to pursue the case."


Ms. Norton's wanted to pursue state criminal charges, Mr. Tymkovich said, but was unable to do so because of technical problems with other state agencies, and because the statute of limitations had expired by the time state
criminal investigators were on the case.

Just two weeks ago, the new attorney general of Colorado, a Democrat, Ken Salazar, announced that his office had reached a settlement with one of the principal shareholders in the mine, Robert Friedland, a Canadian
businessman based in Singapore, who agreed to pay more than $27 million over the next 10 years to help pay forthe cleanup. The state is still trying to get money from five corporations that were involved in the mine, dating to the middle of the last century.

Ms. Norton vigorously pursued the owners of the mine, the state lawyers involved in the case said. "The legal work that Gale did laid the groundwork for the settlement that Ken Salazar was able to obtain," said Mr. Tymkovich, the solicitor general under Ms. Norton.

In years where there is little snow runoff from the mountains, the Alamosa River bears a faint resemblance to its old self, a river that held numerous trout, say residents of the valley in the shadow of the San Juan Mountains. But in years of heavy rain or snow, the toxins still tumble down into the drainage and the river, reigniting the anger of people who live there.

"I grew up in this valley," said Cindy Medina, a resident. "I used to camp near that mine and went tubing in the river with other kids. Now we have to live with one of the largest mining disasters in the United States. To say the least, we don't believe in self-auditing."

nytimes.com (Old URL address)



To: Mephisto who wrote (2331)4/11/2001 11:38:58 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 93284
 
For Norton, a Party Mission

"Her former mentor, Watt, said: "The one thing the press never understands is that Cabinet officers are loyal to their president." Why was Norton chosen? "She was picked because Bush believes that she will carry out his agenda,"
Watt said."

............................................*************************..............................................................

"The guest of honor was Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (Miss.). The keynote address was delivered by House Speaker Newt Gingrich (Ga.).

The SPONSORS for the gala that night included the National Coal Council, the Chemical Manufacturers
Association, the National Mining Association, the Chlorine Chemical Council and the political consulting
firm of Karl Rove, one of Bush's closest advisers.


By William Booth
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, January 8, 2001; Page A01

On a June evening in 1998, in the big ballroom of the J.W. Marriott on Pennsylvania Avenue, Gale A. Norton hosted the national kickoff for an organization she founded that is now called, after several name changes, the Council of Republicans for Environmental Advocacy.

To understand why environmentalists in Washington are so worried about President-elect Bush's choice of Norton for interior secretary -- and why conservatives are applauding the nomination -- CREA is a good place to start.

The organization was conceived by Norton, then the outgoing Colorado attorney general. Its purpose: to confront an "overriding problem," as its first mailings put it, that "over the last two decades, Democrats have created the impression that they are the defenders of the environment while Republicans are environmental destroyers. Our bad guy image hampers the election of Republican candidates and makes it difficult to promote common-sense policies."

Norton, through CREA, vowed to do something about that. The June gathering was part of her plan. The gathering included a Who's Who of GOP powerhouses in Congress.

The guest of honor was Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (Miss.). The keynote address was delivered by House Speaker Newt Gingrich (Ga.).

The sponsors for the gala that night included the National Coal Council, the Chemical Manufacturers Association, the National Mining Association, the Chlorine Chemical Council and the political consulting firm of Karl Rove, one of Bush's closest advisers.

To environmental advocacy groups in Washington, CREA represents everything they fear about Norton. Their concern is that as the steward of America's public lands and the gamekeeper of the nation's wildlife, she is beholden to the extractive industries and will open up large tracts of land to mining, oil and gas drilling, and timber harvesting; that she will side with private property owners and businesses against the needs of endangered creatures.

Indeed, the head of a rival GOP group, Martha Marks -- founder and president of Republicans for Environmental Protection -- accuses CREA of being nothing more than a front to gussy up the poor records of some Republican
officeholders.

"It's the classic green scam," Marks said, "green scam" meaning to slap the "green" label on someone or something that is actually working against conservation and environmental protections.


CREA members have given awards to GOP officeholders, have spoken at conferences and have issued a couple of reports and briefed Republicans. Marks calls the reports nothing more than "a Web page and a press release."

But to Norton's supporters, a group such as CREA is just the right medicine for a Washington-driven environmentalism that they say has run amok.

What, these supporters (who include GOP governors of the western states) ask, is wrong with working with industry?

Norton's allies say that America's public lands should be able to support "multiple use," meaning serving not only as wildlife refuges but also as the source for materials that Americans and the economy need to continue to grow and prosper.

"She will definitely be more favorably disposed to multiple uses," said Colorado Gov. Bill Owens (R). "She won't lock up our lands, sight unseen. She'll be concerned with the rights of private property versus public need. But she will not be throwing Molotov cocktails. She will not be Jim Watt," the controversial interior secretary of the early years of the Reagan administration.

"Gale Norton will be a very considered and very steady secretary of the interior," Owens said.

The environmental community, however, promises to go to war over Norton's confirmation. "She is going to be very, very controversial," said Greg Wetstone, director of programs for the Natural Resources Defense Council. "And she will be vigorously opposed."


At this point, of course, no one really knows what kind of interior secretary Norton might make, but her résumé gives clues to her personality and politics.

She was raised in Thornton, Colo., a suburb of Denver. Her father was an aircraft mechanic and an admirer of legendary conservative Barry M. Goldwater.

Norton, 46, blasted through the University of Denver, first as an undergraduate majoring in political science, and then in the law school. She posted a perfect score on her Law School Admissions Test. In high school, she protested the war in Vietnam.

Her politics took a turn after the young Norton began reading Ayn Rand novels such as "The Fountainhead." She became active in Libertarian Party politics and served as a delegate when Edward Clark ran for the White House on the Libertarian ticket in 1980.

After graduating from law school, Norton was hired in 1979 by the MOUNTAIN STATES LEGAL FOUNDATION, which was founded by James G. Watt. "She sought us out," Watt recalled last week. "She wanted to work for a cause-driven public law foundation."

Mountain States was formed in 1977, supported by money from the Coors beer-brewing family, as a way for conservatives to use the courts to further their aims in public policy and the law.

Over the years, Mountain States has taken on cases that sought to overturn affirmative action set-asides, to oppose windfall profit taxes for oil companies, and to pursue a "wise use" agenda by opening more public lands for hunting, fishing, snowmobiling, mining, logging, and oil and gas exploration.


Watt called Norton "a first-class lawyer" and "a great gal who has come into her own."

After leaving Mountain States in 1983, Norton chose another ideologically driven job. She became a scholar at Stanford University's conservative Hoover Institute, where she explored new ways to control air pollution -- not by
regulation, but by using such then-novel methods as market incentives.

Watt said he "sponsored" Norton and brought her into the Reagan administration as a political appointee, first in the Agriculture Department and then as associate solicitor at the Interior Department.

While at Interior, Norton was one of the authors of a report that supported opening up the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge -- a vast wilderness area filled with caribou and polar bears -- to oil exploration.


Don Barry, an executive vice president of the Wilderness Society, was previously head attorney at the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service but left the department right before Norton came aboard. She would have been his boss. Barry describes Norton as "a very nice person, and a very conservative person." He was impressed that Norton contacted him about whom she should name as his replacement, and that she appointed the person he recommended, a career government lawyer.

"She chose competency and knowledge over political ideology," Barry said.

Norton returned to private practice in Colorado in 1987. Married once and divorced, she got married for a second time, to real estate agent John Hughes. She was elected in 1990 and 1994 as attorney general and worked under a
Democratic governor, Roy Romer.

Pam Eaton, regional director of the Colorado-based Wilderness Society, said that, as attorney general, Norton did not leave much of a record on environmental issues. But Eaton gave Norton credit for allowing her attorneys to pursue corporate polluters.

"She did not put an ideological spin on things," Eaton said. "But I tell people that in Colorado her job was to enforce the laws of the state. Her job at Interior will be to formulate rules and laws."

Eaton and other environmentalists insist that more telling than her tenure as attorney general is her early mentoring by Watt, and her continued alliances with groups that say Washington is trampling property rights in the name of the environment.

However, Norton did not hide her views on the environment. She has openly criticized the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 as good legislation gone bad -- as the federal government took more and more power away from
state and local governments.

Norton has often criticized the federal government, which she has called the worst polluter in the nation for the toxic mess it has left behind at government weapons factories and military bases. She tangled with Washington and won the right to enforce Colorado's stricter cleanup standards at the Army's Rocky Mountain Arsenal.

As attorney general, she also sought to allow companies to "self-audit" their pollution, a policy that the Environmental Protection Agency has vigorously opposed.


Denis Berckefeldt, secretary of the Colorado Democratic Party, said that in his state, "which is dominated by the right wing," Norton is generally considered a moderate, mostly because she supports abortion rights.

In 1996, she ran for the Senate but lost in the primary to a more conservative opponent, the eventual winner, Wayne Allard (R). Though considered a Colorado moderate, in her stump speeches she called for federal term limits, a limited role for the federal government, a two-thirds-majority requirement in Congress for tax increases and the elimination of the departments of Commerce, Energy, Education, and Housing and Urban Development.

Her nomination as interior secretary was a surprise to almost everyone in Colorado. The front-runner for that position was Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell (R-Colo.), but his nomination would have tilted the balance of power in the evenly divided Senate. When it appeared that the Bush team was moving away from Campbell, Owens, who is close to Bush, suggested Norton.

Her nomination, according to knowledgeable sources, was greatly eased by Rove, who had worked for Norton on her Senate bid.

Her former mentor, Watt, said: "The one thing the press never understands is that Cabinet officers are loyal to their president." Why was Norton chosen? "She was picked because Bush believes that she will carry out his agenda,"
Watt said.


washingtonpost.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (2331)4/12/2001 10:53:46 PM
From: TigerPaw  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 93284
 
, I think they all lied
I think they have an appendix to their bible that says it's okay to lie if they can convince themselves it's for some greater idea, like money.
TP