SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Impeach George W. Bush -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: jttmab who wrote (3099)5/18/2001 4:24:48 AM
From: zonkie  Respond to of 93284
 
It doesn't look like Olson is going to make it, that's good. I believe the more they start finding out about the Arkansas project the quicker Junior will want Olson and all of this to disappear.

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

By Thomas B. Edsall and Robert G. Kaiser

Washington Post Staff Writers
Friday, May 11, 2001; Page A01

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah) delayed a scheduled vote on President Bush's nomination of Theodore B. Olson as solicitor general yesterday to examine allegations that Olson gave misleading testimony about his role in a conservative magazine's effort to discredit former president Bill Clinton.

"There are legitimate issues," Hatch told the committee as he deferred action. An aide said Hatch would be willing to talk to those whose versions of events differ from Olson's.
Democratic senators said either the staff or the full committee should question others who worked at the American Spectator during the 1990s, when the magazine ran a $2.3 million investigation into the activities of Bill Clinton and Hillary Rodham Clinton known as the "Arkansas Project." Financed by foundations controlled by conservative billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, the project became a symbol for Clinton loyalists of what they viewed as a concerted effort by the right to undermine the Clintons.
Olson, who was a lawyer for the Spectator and in 1996 joined the magazine's board, told the committee: "I was not involved in the [Arkansas] project in its origin or its management." Later, in written answers to questions, Olson said that he was aware the magazine was publishing investigative articles about the Clintons and that he had social contacts with the editors when articles were discussed, but, "I was not involved in organizing, supervising or managing the conduct of those efforts."
The committee's decision to postpone a vote followed a Washington Post report in which a former Spectator investigative reporter, David Brock, disputed Olson's testimony, saying Olson was at several dinner meetings to plan articles on the Clintons in Arkansas. The article also quoted American Spectator documents indicating that Olson and his law firm were paid out of Arkansas Project funds.
R. Emmett Tyrrell, editor in chief of the Spectator, and David Henderson, the man who ran the Arkansas Project, both said in interviews yesterday that Olson was not personally involved.

Tyrrell and Wladyslaw Pleszczynski, then a top editor, said that project story ideas, legal issues involving the stories produced by the project and other directly related matters were discussed with Olson by staff members, and at dinner parties of Spectator staffers and board members.
Pleszczynski said Brock, who was the leading investigator of the Clintons' activities in Arkansas, "talked to Ted off and on about issues" involved in his stories.

Tyrrell said: "I don't recall any special conversations I had with Ted Olson about stories about the Clintons. I would say it was a possibility, just as it was a possibility that [Franklin] Roosevelt would have discussed Pearl Harbor on December 8 [1941] with his secretary of state."
Douglas Cox, who worked with Olson representing the Spectator, said, "Nothing that Brock told you is inconsistent with Ted saying I did not know there was this special fund set up by Scaife to finance this Arkansas fact work" until allegations about misuse of the funds arose in 1997.

In a letter to Olson released yesterday, the Judiciary Committee's ranking Democrat, Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (Vt.), said he was "troubled by your responses and lack of responsiveness."

"The credibility of the person appointed to be the Solicitor General is of paramount importance," Leahy said. "When arguing in front of the Supreme Court on behalf of the U.S. Government, the Solicitor General is expected to come forward with both the strengths and weaknesses of the case, to inform the Court of things it might not otherwise know, and to be honest in all his or her dealings with the Court. I expect the same responsiveness and cooperation from the nominees before this committee."
Olson, one of the nation's leading conservative lawyers, said he had tried to respond accurately. "I have attempted to answer them fully, except to the extent that they sought privileged communications with clients, which I am not permitted by law to disclose," he said.
At the White House, press secretary Ari Fleischer defended Olson, saying, "Mr. Olson has assured the committee that he was not involved in that matter in any way."
In an interview with Reuters, Hatch predicted "Olson will go through next week. I talked to him and he said his answers have been accurate."

One of the issues that Leahy raised in his letter involved Olson's representation of David Hale, a former Arkansas judge and businessman who pleaded guilty to fraud charges and became a witness against key Whitewater figures. Henderson, who directed the Arkansas Project, said yesterday he introduced Hale to Olson when Hale came to Washington to find a lawyer who could help him deal with a subpoena from the Senate Whitewater committee, and sat in on a meeting between the two men.

At his hearing April 5, Leahy asked Olson how he came to be Hale's lawyer. "One of his lawyers contacted me -- and I can't recall the man's name -- and asked if I would be available," Olson replied. He did not mention Henderson's role. In his letter to Leahy dated May 9, Olson amended his testimony: "I believe I was contacted by a person or persons whose identities I cannot presently recall . . . regarding whether I might be willing to represent Mr. Hale." Again, he did not mention Henderson.

On the question of Olson's involvement in the Arkansas Project, American Spectator documents show that in the magazine's accounting system, payments of at least $14,341.45 to Olson's law firm, Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, were attributed to the project.

Part of that paid for an article that Olson -- writing under a pseudonym -- produced cataloguing federal and Arkansas statutes the Clintons might have violated if unsubstantiated reports of their behavior were proven. The article concluded that Bill Clinton could confront up to 178 years in prison and that Hillary Clinton had a "total potential criminal liability" of 47 years in jail.
Olson has faced previous questions about his congressional testimony. In 1986 an independent counsel was named to investigate whether Olson misled Congress in testimony in 1983, when he was at the Justice Department.

Independent counsel Alexia Morrison concluded that Olson's testimony was "disingenuous and misleading" and "less than forthcoming" but that his statements were "literally true" and could not be criminally prosecuted.

© 2001 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: jttmab who wrote (3099)5/18/2001 8:50:24 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 93284
 
One of the main things that Hayek pointed out is that the price system is, in fact, the best "calculator" that we have for the efficient allocation of resources. Out of innumerable individual negotiations and transactions, the price system works up a rough estimate of consumer preferences and how they match with current resources. It signals which things might be in short supply, and represent opportunities for profit- seekers, and which things might be in a glut, and worth disinvesting in. Similarly, capital instruments, such as shares and bonds, contain important information in their prices. Anyway, distortions in the pricing system lead to ever greater inefficiency in the economy, and thus the waste of resources. Even granting that the government makes legitimate spending decisions, for example, in providing for defense, the more it uses instruments like subsidy, the tax code, and regulation to control elements of the economy, the more it distorts the pricing system and leads to inefficiency, such as recession and inflation.

Ultimately, Hayek's insight is epistemic. One has only to refer to the phenomena of specialization and delegation. As knowledge and technical expertise increase, no one is able to encompass the whole. Even in areas like law, medicine, and engineering, it is necessary for specialists to give their attention to the body of knowledge and technique that will arise under the general rubric, but constitute enormous areas of discrete study. Although it is possible for specialists to communicate with "generalists" to some extent, for the most part their relation to others not expert in their specialty is little better than their relationship with laymen, who can only understand in the most general terms.
Similarly, as organizations become larger and more sprawling, it is increasing necessary to delegate authority to individuals, teams, or committees who are in a position to study, analyze, and decide the specific problems that arise in the course of operating a large enterprise. For example, in a legislative body, the accumulation of documentary evidence and testimony is handled by sub- committee, with ample staff support, and reviewed with the objective of reporting out recommendations which, in the ordinary course of things, will be accepted with few amendments by the larger committee, which will then pass on the recommendations to the body as a whole. In the total scheme of things, it is standard that those delegated to actually study the question will have their recommendations followed. Similarly, management theory increasingly deplores attempts at top- down management, and recommends the general setting of policy, including coordinating sectors and setting goals, while leaving individuals and teams alone, for the most part, supporting them in devising the best ways to get things done.

In both of these ways, one can see that the limitations of knowledge and requirements of parceling out responsibilities lead to decentralization of decision- making as a more efficient means of conducting business than the highly centralized model.

Agree or disagree, the idea that a loosely regulated market is perfectly respectable.



To: jttmab who wrote (3099)5/18/2001 8:52:43 AM
From: Neocon  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 93284
 
Here is an appreciation of Hayek:
Friedrich A. Hayek (1899-1992)
by Peter J. Boettke

Friedrich A. Hayek, who died on March 23, 1992, at the age of 92, was probably the most prodigious classical liberal scholar of the 20th century. Though his 1974 Nobel prize was in Economic Science, his scholarly endeavors extended well beyond economics. He published 130 articles and 25 books ranging from technical economics to theoretical psychology, from political philosophy to legal anthropology, and from the philosophy of science to the history of ideas. Hayek was no mere dabbler; he was an accomplished scholar in each of these fields of inquiry. He made major contributions to our understanding in at least three different areas-government intervention, economic calculation under socialism, and development of the social structure. It is unlikely that we will see the likes of such a wide-ranging scholar of the human sciences again...

The Road to Serfdom

Hayek, however, kept on refining the argument for the liberal society. The problems of socialism that he had observed in Nazi Germany and that he saw beginning in Britain led him to write The Road to Serfdom (1944). This book forced advocates of socialism to confront an additional problem, over and beyond the technical economic one. If socialism required the replacement of the market with a central plan, then, Hayek pointed out, an institution must be established that would be responsible for formulating this plan. Hayek called this institution the Central Planning Bureau. To implement the plan and to control the flow of resources, the Bureau would have to exercise broad discretionary power in economic affairs. Yet the Central Planning Bureau in a socialist society would have no market prices to serve as guides. It would have no means of knowing which production possibilities were economically feasible. The absence of a pricing system, Hayek said, would prove to be socialism's fatal flaw.

In The Road to Serfdom Hayek also argued that there was good reason to suspect that those who would rise to the top in a socialistic regime would be those who had a comparative advantage in exercising discretionary power and were willing to make unpleasant decisions. And it was inevitable that these powerful men would run the system to their own personal advantage....