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To: Richnorth who wrote (72405)6/26/2001 1:25:45 PM
From: Gary H  Respond to of 116764
 
OT You got that right Rich, I've have a Winchester 30-30 since 57, it's fast, safe and not a small game rifle. Up on Manitoulan Island one season I got 3 out of a stand of 4 deer. I couldn't imagine reloading that fast with a bolt action. It's not that hard to know how many cartridges are in the mag., you just count how may you have used. Maybe that's too tough for some people.



To: Richnorth who wrote (72405)6/27/2001 8:49:53 AM
From: long-gone  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 116764
 
How much longer can S. Africa production remain at current levels?

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Migrant labour system perpetuates HIV/Aids in the gold mining industry

The Wall Street Journal - June 27 2001
Gold miner Patrick Jikazi spent the day more than 3km underground in the world's deepest mine, TauTona, which is owned by the world's largest gold mining company, AngloGold. Finally off duty, he couldn't relax with his wife and children because they live a 10-hour bus trip away.

So before he retired to his quarters - shared with 15 other men, also separated from their families - he ambled to the open air bar, a cement plaza surrounded by walls topped with barbed wire. As women passed, Jikazi called out to them, sometimes standing up to get their attention.

"When I feel the need for a woman, I just go and get one," Jikazi says. He boasts that he's slept with more than 10 women in the past year, never with a condom. But he also admits he afraid of Aids.

In a world where the policies of a huge mining conglomerate encourage workers to separate from their families for months at a time, prostitution and casual sex have always been a problem. But in the age of Aids, the combination of lonely men in migrant camps and available women is downright toxic.

Almost 20 percent of all South African adults under 50 are infected with HIV. But the toll is particularly brutal in the suffocating mine shafts, the crowded barracks and, increasingly, in the far-flung villages of the families of workers who toil in one of the country's most lucrative industries. AngloGold estimates nearly one-third of its 44 000 mine workers are infected with HIV.

Its majority owner, London-based Anglo American, is one of the first major corporations to disclose measures aimed at treating Aids cases among its overwhelmingly black rank and file workers in Africa.

Last month Anglo American declared that it would conduct a trial offering free drugs to an unspecified number of employees, and possibly their spouses, with an eye to expanding the programme if it succeeded.

Separately, AngloGold committed itself to running its own clinical trial of 1 000 miners and their wives.

But in a sign of how South Africa's history and AngloGold's labour system have made the Aids scourge particularly intractable, the company's plans are already being scaled back. AngloGold now says its clinical trial will include as few as 200 miners and no more than 800.

One hurdle is that several pharmaceutical companies told AngloGold they would not provide free drugs for the trial. The company also wants an outside agency to foot most of the bill, estimated at between R24 million and R46 million.

"We are making up rules as we go along," says AngloGold's chief executive, Bobby Godsell. He won't specify how much money the company has committed to the trial, and it remains unclear when the trial will begin. He says if the trial proves cost effective, the treatment will be extended to all employees.

At least two other multinationals operating in South Africa have recently announced new Aids programmes. Just over a week ago, DaimlerChrysler said it would cover the cost of Aids drugs for its 4 445 South African employees and their families. Soon after, Coca-Cola, which at present pays for Aids drugs for its 1 500 South African employees and their families, said it would put its distribution and marketing system to work fighting the disease.

But neither of these companies faces the challenges that Anglo American does, with its harsh working conditions and its masses of migrant workers.

After all, Anglo American isn't just contending with a virus, but also with more than a century of economic and social policies that have fuelled the spread of disease and made treatment more difficult.

There is also a breathtaking irony: Anglo American itself helped extend these policies.

Beginning more than a century ago, black South Africans were herded into "homelands". Unable to live off the land, they were forced to seek employment, but laws supported by mining interests required men seeking work to leave their families behind.

As the biggest and richest mining conglomerate, Anglo American reaped the benefits of this system, which helped lay the very foundations of apartheid.

While it is no longer a legal requirement that migrant workers live apart from their families, the custom endures. Today more than four-fifths of AngloGold's low-skilled mineworkers, including Jikazi, live in crowded, company-owned hostels, often hundreds of kilometres from their families.

Mark Lurie, who is an Aids researcher with the Medical Research Council, a government agency, recently calculated that migrant workers are almost two-and-a-half times more likely to be HIV-positive than non-migrant workers. Other researchers have come up with similar results.

Lurie puts it this way: "If you wanted to spread a sexually transmitted disease, you'd take thousands of young men away from their families, isolate them in single-sex hostels and give them easy access to alcohol and commercial sex.

"Then, to spread the disease around the country, you'd send them home every once in a while to their wives and girlfriends.

"That is basically the system we have."

AngloGold has taken only incremental steps to pare back the migrant labour system, such as converting a few hostels into married-worker housing. That has led some public health experts to charge that AngloGold's proposal to provide Aids drugs won't solve the underlying health crisis.

"It's a Band-Aid," says Robert Cowie, a professor of medicine at the University of Calgary, who in the 1970s was a pioneer in pushing Anglo to treat miners with tuberculosis, rather than simply to send them home.

"Until you do away with migrant labour, you will continue to fight these problems."

Godsell disagrees. He says it hasn't been proved that the migrant labour system contributes to the spread of Aids. "Whether migrant miners are more at risk than other miners is an interesting proposition that requires some evidence," he says.

The consequences of admitting that migrant labour has worsened the Aids crisis could be costly. The government requires companies to compensate workers for occupational diseases. Already, the mining industry must pay miners whose lungs are damaged by tuberculosis or silicosis - diseases partly caused by mine conditions.

If Aids was to be classified as an occupational disease, on the theory that the migrant labour system contributes to its spread, then the company could be on the hook for additional compensation. AngloGold's biggest union, the National Union of Mineworkers, has considered pushing for this, though it has no plans to do so at present.

Godsell denies that this concern has influenced his thinking.

In any event, the harshness of the miners' lives is likely to make them uniquely hard to treat. At the TauTona mine, workers toil in humid heat that can exceed 45¼C. The stope - the part of the shaft where miners break rocks - is often only a metre high. Through it all, the deafening roar of the hydraulic drill reverberates. Latrine facilities are far away.

This is hardly an ideal setting in which to administer or monitor a complex Aids drug regimen that often requires swallowing two or more pills twice a day, and can cause vomiting, diarrhoea, dizziness and other side effects.

"If it causes diarrhoea, I wouldn't be able to cope," says miner Mavuso Xesebe, who says he has never been tested for Aids.

Colin Eisenstein, the head of AngloGold's health services, acknowledges the obstacles. He says a miner may have to walk 5km just to get to his work site.

Underground "it's noisy, dusty, frightening", says Eisenstein, whose father was a mine official. "Now, if you had been down there, what would you want when you came up? Beer, food, women and sleep. You wouldn't want pills."

Furthermore, some officials worry that the prospect of treatment may spur more unsafe behaviour. "They'll say, 'We've got the cure, now we can go all the way'," says David Magagula, the senior human resources officer at TauTona mine.

Several of AngloGold's staff of 73 mine doctors say they are also concerned about a study that suggested the efficacy of Aids drugs plummeted in patients who missed more than five of every 100 doses. The study, which appeared last year in the Annals of Internal Medicine, has doctors worried about creating drug-resistant strains of HIV.

Gavin Churchyard, who runs AngloGold's medical research team, says a 1997 AngloGold study of tuberculosis-drug compliance found that medical supervisors in company clinics sometimes overestimated the diligence of their patients.

In the study, the supervisors reported that nearly all their infected workers took their medication, but urine tests showed that only about 85 percent had actually done so.

Eisenstein says: "I don't want people to say in a few years, 'Hey, you stupid fools, you've created a huge pool of resistant virus'.
businessreport.co.za



To: Richnorth who wrote (72405)7/25/2001 9:40:41 AM
From: long-gone  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 116764
 
Rich,
any chance of Indo-Pakistani "understanding"?

Is it your opinion also that true peace between them would bring about a better gold demand?


INDIA-PAKISTAN

Hope Springs Eternal

The first Indo-Pakistani summit in more than two years collapses over Kashmir, but a ray of hope remains around the goodwill that the meeting built between the leaders of both countries

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By Ahmed Rashid/LAHORE and WASHINGTON

Issue cover-dated July 26, 2001

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IN THE 54 YEARS of enmity that include three wars and countless deaths, no summit has generated hopes of peace among the peoples of India and Pakistan as high as mid-July's three days of talks in Agra, India, between Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Pakistan's President Pervaiz Musharraf.

So when the nail-biting suspense ended with the collapse of the summit at the last moment, disappointment was huge. Musharraf, his face dark with fury, left for home. A draft joint declaration was abandoned in tatters. Prophets of doomsday scenarios for the Subcontinent could say, "I told you so." Even the gods appeared angry as an earthquake and storms hit Pakistan and parts of India. "The two leaders were clearly not prepared for a failure of this kind," said Shekar Gupta, chief editor of the Indian Express.

But amid the debris some hope remained. It centred on agreements on future contacts formulated before the row over the wording of the final statement. These agreements, though not laid out in any final communique, apparently stood and may provide a framework for resuming the peace process through dialogue. Of course this was a lot less than both sides sought. But expectations of what might be achieved grew unrealistically as the summit ran over its original two-day schedule before foundering over the disputed territory of Kashmir.

In the aftermath, both sides struggled to keep rhetoric under control and avoid a tit-for-tat blame game. Indian spokeswoman Nirupama Rao told a press conference that while "the commencement of the process and the beginning of a journey have taken place, the destination of an agreed joint statement has not been reached." Said Pakistani spokesman Maj.-Gen. Rashid Qureshi: "The ice has been broken and there is goodwill between the two peoples."

Indian External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh said the talks broke down after India wanted the summit document to state that "cross-border terrorism"--the euphemism for Pakistan-based militants fighting in Kashmir--was unacceptable and must cease. Pakistan holds that they are freedom fighters. But Singh said India hoped to keep talking. "We will pick up the threads from the visit of the president of Pakistan. We will unceasingly endeavour to realize our vision of a relationship of peace, friendship and cooperation with Pakistan," he told reporters. Pakistani Foreign Minister Abdul Sattar was even more upbeat, saying that "the two leaders had a meeting of minds" and "the existing goodwill can, and will, achieve mutually desired results." He added: "It is only appropriate that time should be given to a mutually acceptable formulation."

Both leaders are to meet again at the United Nations in September. Vajpayee at the summit accepted an invitation to visit Pakistan later this year. According to Pakistani officials and Indian press reports, both sides agreed to annual summits and bi-annual meetings of their foreign ministers to discuss three issues--peace and security, narcotics and Kashmir. "It may be a disappointment but not a disaster. I hope the substance will survive the disagreement over language," says Maleeha Lodhi, Pakistan's ambassador to Washington.

Outside the region the biggest disappointment was bound to be found in Washington, which is widely expected to step up its efforts to keep Indo-Pakistani relations from deteriorating again. Contrary to speculation in Pakistan and India, the United States did not directly pressure New Delhi to call the summit or try to micro-manage the build-up to the talks. Instead, the Bush administration went out of its way to convince visiting Indian officials since January that it wants India as a partner in its global and Asian strategy, particularly in dealing with China. But, as U.S. officials also stressed, New Delhi's bedevilled relations with Pakistan would limit how far India could become a true global ally of the U.S.

The summit fell apart as the U.S. is preparing to use a presidential waiver to lift sanctions imposed on India for its 1998 nuclear tests. Similar U.S. sanctions on Pakistan will not be lifted so fast. "In just a few months we have made extraordinary progress with India in defining our common interests in many fields--counter-terrorism, defence, trade, investment--and reducing tensions with Pakistan will enhance that," says a State Department official. "The administration and Congress want to lift sanctions on India by the end of July." India meanwhile is preparing a list of U.S. weapons systems it wants to buy once sanctions are lifted--the first time that India would enter the U.S. arms market in 40 years.

Pakistan's problems with the U.S., meanwhile, centre on Afghanistan. "We cannot do Pakistan any favour because of its continued support to the Taliban in Afghanistan who back terrorism. And Pakistan has few friends left in Congress,'' says a National Security Council official. In addition, Islamabad is covered by several layers of sanctions--imposed in retaliation for Musharraf's October 1999 coup--that cannot be lifted before elections are held.

The summit's sad end was welcomed by Hindu hardliners in India and Islamic extremists in Pakistan and Kashmir. Should the Kashmir conflict intensify, moderates such as Vajpayee and Musharraf, who both made concessions during the talks, could be marginalized. A total of 90 Kashmiri militants, soldiers and civilians were killed during the talks and 139 in the nine days before them. Sayed Salahuddin, head of the Pakistan-based Hizbul Mujaihideen, the largest group fighting Indian rule in Kashmir, told reporters: "The Indian leadership cannot be trusted and this is what we have been telling Pakistani leaders. Jihad [holy war] is the only solution."

But even if their leaders were not invited to the summit, many Kashmiris want an end to the territory's 12-year-old conflict that has cost 60,000 lives. "The time has come for a negotiated settlement," Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, the most revered religious leader in Indian Kashmir, said on July 11. "It's very clear everybody wants an end to the killing and destruction." In a confidence-building measure announced on the first day of the summit, India said it was withdrawing 20,000 of its 200,000 troops in Kashmir.

The failure was all the more disappointing because in four meetings lasting nearly eight hours in total, both leaders got on well and came so close to agreement. Initially India was determined to stay within the confines of "a composite dialogue" agreed in 1998, but in which Kashmir is only one of eight issues for discussion. India also wanted Musharraf to pledge to curb cross-border terrorism.

Pakistan wanted new terminology altogether, with Indian acknowledgement that Kashmir was the "core issue" between the two countries. "We cannot deny that there are vast differences between us," Vajpayee told Musharraf in their first private meeting, according to a text released by New Delhi. "We are willing to address these differences and move forward," but "let no one think that India does not have the resolve, strength or stamina to continue resisting terrorism."

LEADERS SHOULD BUILD
In an early sign of problems at the talks, Musharraf told Indian newspaper editors on July 16: "I keep talking of Kashmir, you keep talking of cross-border terrorism . . . We can't even agree on what to call it--a problem, a dispute or an issue.'' But hours later a text was agreed by him and Vajpayee, after both made major concessions. Then, according to Pakistani officials and Indian media reports, hardline Indian ministers objected to the language and sent the text back twice to the Pakistani delegation requesting amendments, which ultimately the Pakistanis refused.

The summit failure highlighted the political problems for both leaders. India's ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, which dominates the federal coalition, was routed in state elections in May and faces more state contests in January. If defeated, an ailing Vajpayee might have to call mid-term elections and hand the BJP leadership to hardliners. Pakistan's regime is isolated internationally as it grapples with what some Western commentators have dubbed "a failing state."

The summit, however, gave both leaders plenty of media coverage and photo opportunities--a walk around the Taj Mahal by Musharraf and his wife, exotic meals and concerts. It was the first summit in the region played out live on satellite TV. Its closing hope is that both leaders can build on their bonhomie, not allowing hardliners in both their camps to push them further aside and leave only more bloodshed in Kashmir.

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THE DEAL BREAKER

India says Kashmir, its only Muslim-majority state, is an integral part of the nation and is not for negotiation. Many ordinary Indians believe allowing it to leave the union would represent a failure of the very principle of India as a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious society.


feer.com



To: Richnorth who wrote (72405)8/10/2001 12:13:25 AM
From: long-gone  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 116764
 
No help from Japan:


Friday August 10, 12:08 am Eastern Time
Japan's Kuroda says no need for yen to rise
(UPDATE: Recasts, adds fresh comments)

By Yoko Nishikawa

TOKYO, Aug 10 (Reuters) - Japan's top financial diplomat, Haruhiko Kuroda, on Friday appeared unhappy with a recent rise in the yen at a time when the world's second-largest economy remains stubbornly weak.


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Japanese currency authorities, including Finance Minister Masajuro Shiokawa, have been signalling their tacit acceptance of a natural fall in the yen, which could support the fragile economy by boosting overseas sales, helping Japan's powerful exporters.

``There is no need now for the yen to strengthen against the euro and the dollar,'' said Kuroda, vice finance minister for international affairs, when asked his view on the U.S. unit's overnight drop against the yen.

His comments came after the dollar dipped to a two-month low of 121.35 yen in New York on Thursday, suffering a vicious selloff against a host of major currencies.

In late morning trade on Friday the dollar had recouped some of those losses to stand at 122.20 yen, helped by demand from Japanese importers and investors keen to take advantage of the higher yen to buy Treasuries.

EURO SHOULD STRENGTHEN

Kuroda also reiterated his mantra that the euro should strengthen further against other major currencies, given the euro-zone's economic fundamentals.

``It is natural and right for the euro to strengthen against the dollar... It is strange for the euro not to rise against the yen,'' Kuroda told reporters at the ministry.

Despite growing speculation that the U.S. economic slowdown may last longer than expected, Kuroda stuck to his view that he expected a gradual U.S. recovery later this year.

``The U.S. economy is slowing. But personal consumption and housing investment are firm. I don't think we need to change our view that the U.S. economy will gradually recover in the second half of this year.''

NO GOOD GDP IN APRIL-JUNE

In contrast, Kuroda remained cautious about his own country.

``The economy contracted slightly in the first quarter. I don't know about the second quarter, but I don't expect a good figure,'' he said.

Most economists agree that April-June gross domestic product (GDP) -- due to be released on September 7 -- will show a contraction for the second straight quarter, meeting a common definition of recession.

Asked his view on how the Bank of Japan (BOJ) should conduct monetary policy, Kuroda said: "As our government representatives who attended the BOJ Policy Board meeting have been saying, the continued fall in prices means deflation and that is not appropriate.

``I hope that the BOJ will conduct policy to stablise price movements, although the BOJ is the one to decide how to do so.''

His comments came on the heels of recent remarks by government officials that the central bank should do more to help the flagging economy.

Most market watchers, however, are betting on no change in monetary policy when the BOJ Policy Board meets next Monday and Tuesday.

In March, the BOJ adopted a quantitative easing policy in which it effectively holds interest rates near zero by flooding the money market with liquidity so that banks' reserves at the BOJ stay at around 5 trillion yen ($40.94 billion).
biz.yahoo.com