SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Al Gore vs George Bush: the moderate's perspective -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (9737)7/21/2001 12:36:17 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10042
 
EXAMINING THE VOTE
July 15, 2001
From The New York Times

How Bush Took Florida: Mining the Overseas Absentee Vote

By DAVID BARSTOW and DON VAN NATTA Jr.

(Continuing from first article............)

Clouding the Matter Of the Postmark

As secretary of state, Katherine Harris wields considerable influence over the
conduct of elections in Florida. Her office, which includes the Division of Elections,
writes election rules, issues binding interpretations of election law and offers informal
advice to election supervisors. But given her role as co-chairwoman of the Bush
campaign in Florida, her statements and legal positions during the South Florida
recount battles drew inevitable and scathing criticism from Democrats.

On the day after the election, Division of Elections staff members drafted a press
release titled ``Secretary Explains Overseas Ballot Procedures.'' It was meant to be
a simple reminder from Ms. Harris, similar to those her predecessors had routinely
sent out, that state election rules required overseas ballots to have been
``postmarked or signed and dated'' by Election Day.

By early that evening, the draft statement had been sent to Ms. Harris's e-mail
basket for approval. It was never released.

Instead, Ms. Harris said nothing about the absentee ballots until Nov. 13, when she
touched on them at the end of a televised statement that focused mainly on trying to
bring an end to the South Florida recounts. In her statement, she said that the
overseas ballots had to be ``executed'' - a vague word that could have meant either
signed or both signed and dated - by Election Day and that they had to bear a
foreign postmark. Then she added, ``They are not required, however, to be
postmarked on or prior to'' Election Day.

Democratic strategists reacted with immediate suspicion, viewing that last line as a
gift from Ms. Harris to her fellow Republicans.

``In our opinion, it was an effort by Katherine Harris to blur the rules,'' said Nick
Baldick, a senior Gore strategist in Florida. ``And confusion about the rules would
only help the Republicans get as many suspect ballots counted as possible.''

Two top Republican strategists, working as volunteers, were deeply involved in
drafting the Nov. 13 statement, as well as other major pronouncements Ms. Harris
made during the recounts.

One of the strategists, J.M. Stipanovich, a lawyer who had managed Jeb Bush's
failed campaign for governor in 1994, said in an interview that he served as Ms.
Harris's ``personal attorney'' in the three weeks after the election, guiding her
through major decisions.

Although Mr. Stipanovich declined to say whether he had had any contacts with the
Bush campaign, Mr. Ginsberg said he spoke with Mr. Stipanovich ``three or four
times'' during the recounts. ``At the time it was never clear if he was asking me
something in his role as working for Katherine Harris, which was certainly well
known at the time, or just out of curiosity,'' Mr. Ginsberg said.

The other strategist assisting Ms. Harris was Adam Goodman, a media consultant
who had helped chart Ms. Harris's rapid ascension in the state Republican Party.

Typically, when it came to writing Ms. Harris's public statements, Mr. Stipanovich
recalled, Mr. Goodman would start by gathering information from Ms. Harris's chief
aides, like Clay Roberts, the director of the Division of Elections.

``Adam would knock off a draft, and I would comment on it,'' Mr. Stipanovich said.
``Clay would put in his two cents. Katherine would tell us what she thought. And we
would do it all over again.''

Mr. Goodman added that their aim was always to ``give it to people straight'' and
that usually ``every word was parsed over.''

Most of this work was done on computers in a conference room just off Ms.
Harris's office. Her lawyers now say that many of the records from these computers
have been erased, a potential violation of Florida's public records laws, and they
refused a request from The Times to examine the computers' hard drives.

But they did release two versions of the Nov. 13 statement, which show that the
sentence that upset the Democrats - and seemed to make it easier to accept ballots
with late postmarks - was not inserted until the final draft.

A spokesman for Ms. Harris said she was unavailable for comment. The Times
began seeking an interview with Ms. Harris two weeks ago, but her spokesman,
David Host, said that Ms. Harris would prefer to comment in a written opinion
article after she returns from a trip to Argentina this month.

Mr. Stipanovich and Mr. Goodman said they could not recall how the wording on
Florida's overseas ballot rules was drafted, and both said there were never any
discussions in Ms. Harris's office about changing the rules. Mr. Roberts said the
statement was just an effort to paraphrase the traditional rules. ``In retrospect,'' he
said, ``sticking to the strict statutory language might have been more clear.''

Lawyers for Mr. Bush now say they too were unhappy with the statement. It had,
after all, said explicitly that postmarks were required, calling only their dating into
question. Mr. Aufhauser said he feared the statement would make it harder for the
Republicans to push their argument that under federal law, postmarks were not
required at all on military ballots.

• CONTINUED: How Bush Took Florida: Mining the Overseas Ballots

nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (9737)7/29/2001 1:06:46 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 10042
 
The Political Uses of Moving On

"……the current White House call to move on beyond the Bush campaign's tactics in Florida blames no one for the apparent failures of the Florida election system, preferring amnesia

……………………….************************…………….

"But when the country risks forgetting deficiencies in the democratic process, there should be no statute of limitations on remembering."

By TODD GITLIN
From The New York Times
July 28, 2001

Increasingly, Americans are being told to "move on" — to leave
uncomfortable feelings and unpleasant events behind us — especially
when it would be convenient for certain public figures if we forgot them.

This month, for example, The New York Times found there had been unequal
handling of some military absentee ballots and counting of illegal military
ballots in Florida last fall.

Ari Fleischer, President Bush's press secretary, in
response, offered this airy comment: "This election was decided by the
voters of Florida a long time ago, and the nation, the president and all but the
most partisan Americans have moved on."


A president, of course, has important work to do and can't dwell on Election
Day. But sometimes the moving on of certain politicians and their supporters
is a compound of amnesia, contempt, bravado and optimism, and their
exhortations to the public to join in have a self-serving ring.

Moving on is also selective. Consider the varying national memories of the
Vietnam War or of the deaths of American servicemen during a botched
mission in Somalia: the appeal to move on often depends on whose party
gets a political advantage from reviving unpleasant memories.

Selectivity is particularly strong in matters of scandal. During the many
months of political battle about Whitewater, Travelgate, Filegate, Paula
Jones and, not least, Monica Lewinsky, Democrats called upon the
Republican-dominated Congress to move on. The Web site moveon.org
sprang up, collecting hundreds of thousands of on-line signatures, to lobby
Congress to censure President Bill Clinton and then get back to the nation's
business. Today, when the subject is the questionable Bush win in Florida,
some Democrats disdain the Republicans' determination to move on.

There are differences, however, between the moving-on arguments made in
these two controversies.

Moveon.org called on Congress to censure Mr. Clinton before moving on,
acknowledging the president's moral culpability while distinguishing it from
legal culpability. By contrast, the current White House call to move on
beyond the Bush campaign's tactics in Florida blames no one for the
apparent failures of the Florida election system, preferring amnesia. Tone is
different, too. During most of Mr. Clinton's years in the White House, major
Republican figures hammered away at him as if on a crusade, and news
media and commentators joined in, keeping the denunciations going even
after Mr. Clinton had left the White House. In comparison, today's
Congressional Democrats look remarkably relaxed. They are not traveling
the country deploring Republican immorality, and Senate committees now
headed by Democrats have not leaped to investigate the Florida voting or to
try to rectify deficiencies in the nation's electoral system. Nor are many
denunciations found in the press, which is otherwise occupied.

Casting a blind eye on the past is not new, least of all in America, where
optimism wins elections. "For 200 years we've lived in the future," Ronald
Reagan said in 1980. In the land of the smiley face, "Happy Days Are Here
Again" could be an anthem for any party. But when the country risks
forgetting deficiencies in the democratic process, there should be no statute
of limitations on remembering.

Todd Gitlin is professor of culture, journalism and sociology at New
York University and author of the forthcoming ``Media Unlimited.''


nytimes.com