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Politics : Impeach George W. Bush -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (5844)8/9/2001 9:33:02 AM
From: jlallen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 93284
 
How exactly do you know precisely what is in Bush's mind, pray tell???

JLA



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (5844)8/9/2001 9:58:26 AM
From: Neocon  Respond to of 93284
 
An interesting conjecture, Kreskin. Do you do parties?



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (5844)8/13/2001 1:52:37 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 93284
 
I'm sure Karl Rove has had a strong impact on Mr. Bush's decision, and I'm sure it was Karl Rove's decision to put Mr. Bush on tv this week. People thought Gore was boring. On a scale of 1 to 10 with 10 as the highest mark for boring, , I'd give Mr. Bush a 10. We saw him on tv earlier this week. One evening was enough. It was a good excuse to go swimming and skip the evening news.

From what I've read, Mr. Bush's foray into stem-cell research doesn't go that far. I support stem-cell
research, but other countries will tackle stem-cell research seriously so I'll believe progress will be made even if it isn't in the US.

Cheers,

Mephisto

PS: Did you see the Op-Ed piece on Seattle in NYTimes?



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (5844)8/13/2001 1:54:56 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 93284
 
President Bush Waffles
From The New York Times
An Editorial
August 10, 2001

:Last night George W. Bush had one of
those rare opportunities a president
gets to take a bold step that might define his
administration. Instead, he ducked.

In a national television address, the president said he was supporting federal
funding for stem cell research. But he added restrictions so rigid that they
may constitute a near-ban.

After a long prelude, describing his moral debate over a decision and all the
terrible diseases that stem cell research might help cure, Mr. Bush endorsed
federally funded research only in cases where the cells were extracted from
human embryos in the past and made to grow their own colonies, or lines.
There is a very limited number of lines of these cells, not enough to provide
the diversity scientists need. Furthermore, the existing lines are not
necessarily immortal. Scientists believe that some may eventually stop
providing stem cells and need to be replaced.

By limiting the federal role so severely, Mr. Bush will hamper the
government's ability to spur this important new area of medical research.
Scientists hope to be able to coax stem cells to evolve into replicas of cells
needed to repair diseased or damaged tissue. For example, someday they
may be able to create new connections in spinal cords and regenerate brain
activity in Alzheimer's patients.

To get the stem cells, the scientists must extract them from blastocysts --
early-stage embryos, just a few days old. In the past, most of these
blastocysts were acquired from fertility clinics, which would otherwise
destroy them. Lately, researchers have begun to create their own embryos, a
procedure Mr. Bush also opposes.

Most people might have trouble seeing a tiny clump of cells in a petri dish as
a human being. But some abortion opponents do, and they have argued that
the thousands of excess embryos created by fertility clinics every year should
be protected and "adopted" by childless couples. They deserve respect for
their beliefs. But they should not be allowed to dictate public policy,
especially in an area where the health of so many people might be in the
balance. As supporters of the stem cell research keep pointing out, there is
more than one way to be pro-life.

During the presidential campaign, Mr. Bush appeared to be opposed to
federal funding for any stem cell research. But now, with polls showing
strong public support for the research, he is trying to have it both ways,
permitting the experiments but not the extraction process that is needed to
acquire the cells.

President Clinton also tried to draw a distinction between doing the research
and obtaining the stem cells.

But Mr. Clinton was trying to get around a Congressional ban on stem cell
research. Mr. Bush is unlikely to have that problem. Congress seems to be in
a much different mood this year, led by legislators whose relatives are
suffering from diseases that stem cells might someday help cure. The Senate
majority leader, Tom Daschle, said yesterday that there was strong
bipartisan support in the Senate for legislation to provide federal funding if
the president failed to do so.

In his televised address, President Bush almost seemed to be teasing the
audience with a long opening disquisition on the pros and cons of every
aspect of stem cell research without revealing which way he had decided to
go.

Disappointed Americans who had hoped for a more courageous conclusion
may wind up wondering if his real concern was a perpetual fear of offending
the Republican Party's right-wing base

nytimes.com



To: Kenneth E. Phillipps who wrote (5844)8/13/2001 2:00:53 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 93284
 
OFF TOPIC: SEATTLE

I heard that Governor Locke will be in town this week to try and help with the transportation problems.
They have to come up with something. I ride the bus everywhere, but I have to leave early for
appointments because you never know what kind of traffic backups or accidents that will make
you late for appointments.

Have you been to Portland lately? I'm amazed at what they have done. Their mass transit train is not
finished but we had a chance to use it. It was great. People stand in line to use it. It's A/C and clean.
We discovered that even Portland's city buses have air conditioning. Also, Portland will put in a trolley
system.

.......................................................................................................................

August 10, 2001
From The New York Times
Even Paradise Needs Basic Maintenance

By FRED MOODY

Seattle, long a self-styled paradise, is in serious trouble. The clearest
manifestation is its traffic jams. Perennially at or near the top of various
"most livable cities" lists throughout the 1980's and 1990's, Seattle placed
second this spring on the national list of cities with the worst traffic, after
chronic offender Los Angeles. The city's 20-year-long Silicon Rush has sent
the population skyrocketing, with huge suburbs sprawling east from Lake
Washington, spawned largely by Microsoft and its tech-industry
descendants.

The Highway 520 bridge connecting Seattle with the massive suburban
population across the lake is 38 years old, too small for current traffic, and
crumbling. Its sister bridge to the south, a floating bridge on pontoons, had to
sink some years ago before anyone cared enough to repair it. The city has
been so intent on building cyberspace that it has failed to notice the collapse
of its physical space.

This summer, the State Legislature, facing traffic so bad that entire political
campaigns are now run on "the transportation mess," was forced to show it
recognized the problem. (Boeing, in moving its headquarters to Chicago this
year, cited the horrendous traffic as one of its discontents.) But every
proposed solution runs into well-organized opposition: Conservatives
oppose spending on mass transit, liberals oppose bigger freeways. And since
the State Legislature is virtually evenly divided — the House has 49
Democrats and 49 Republicans, and Democrats hold a one-seat majority in
the Senate — nothing much ever gets accomplished.

Gridlock on the highways has become a metaphor for political gridlock,
which has multifarious causes. Most of Washington is rural, and the rural
residents care little for the problems in the Seattle area. Seattleites, for their
part, are oblivious to the needs and problems in rural Washington, where
people remain relatively poor, the technology boom having passed them by.

But the essential problem is that no one here is willing to pay for anything.
During the biggest economic boom the Northwest has ever experienced,
antitax sentiment has become positively New Hampshire- esque. In 1999,
voters approved Initiative 695, which repealed the longstanding motor
vehicle excise tax that had provided nearly all of the state's transportation
funding. Since then transportation repair and construction have ground to a
halt.

The consequence of that spasm of antitax madness is that politicians in both
parties now are terrified of taking responsibility for raising taxes to do
anything.

Washington's governor, Gary Locke, and some lawmakers were willing to
push for a tax package that would have raised $8.5 billion over 10 years for
road and bridge improvements. Governor Locke even called the Legislature
into special session three times this year but got nowhere — a state record
for political futility. The public got wind of the tax increases involved — a 9-
cents-a-gallon gasoline tax and a few other fees — and the package was
killed.

It was really no surprise that state leaders declined to levy taxes that they
know are necessary. But anti- tax sentiment is only part of the reason for
Seattle's fall from grace. Far worse has been a form of environmentalism
here that is little more than denial. Attempts to address population growth
have been resisted by antigrowth forces moved more by a refusal to
acknowledge growth than by a genuine sense of environmental stewardship.

Underlying this denial is a profound sense of entitlement. We've lived with the
idea of free things — good water, natural splendor, abundant exploitable
resources like fish and timber. Even the 1990's technology revolution that
pumped billions into the local economy was in large part a
something-for-nothing phenomenon. Actually paying for public goods — like
a functioning highway system — now seems like a quaint idea.

In some ways, the collapse of the transportation effort last month is
instructive. Ron Sims, the King County executive, says that this state
"operates on government by catastrophe." But that's not entirely correct. For
a long time, it was government by good fortune. What set this region apart
for liveability was not that the politicians and citizens were enlightened
though some were); it was that Seattle and its suburbs were so much
younger than the rest of the country.

In time, the Northwest's adolescence was bound to end, and the crumbling
roads are proof positive that it has.

Fred Moody is the author, most recently, of ``The Visionary Position.''

nytimes.com