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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: asenna1 who wrote (170953)8/13/2001 3:03:49 PM
From: DMaA  Respond to of 769667
 
Wilson is a moron. If he has a future in the Republican party then I don't.



To: asenna1 who wrote (170953)8/13/2001 3:04:21 PM
From: jlallen  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769667
 
Grey Davis LIED

cato.org
August 9, 2001
Lawsuits Prove That Gov. Davis Deceived Public About California Energy Crisis

by Jerry Taylor and Peter VanDoren

Jerry Taylor is director of natural resources studies at the Cato Institute. Peter VanDoren is editor of Regulation, The Cato Review of Business and Government.

For at least nine months now, California Gov. Gray Davis has been screaming bloody murder about how corporate power pirates out of Houston have economically raped and pillaged the state of California, creating an artificial electricity crisis out of thin deregulated air. The story didn't appear to add up. But because the governor's office refused to release information about how much the state paid to whom for electricity over the past several months, who was to say?

Lawsuits finally pried that information out of Davis last week and -- lo and behold! -- "the biggest snakes on the planet" (Davis' words) were charging less than the publicly owned utilities of California itself and even less than the price charged by his right-hand man, David Freeman, head of the L.A. Department of Water & Power. And Davis turns out to have known it all along.

Until Davis coughed-up the data, the Left was in hog heaven, scoring point after point about how socialism -- at least in the electricity business -- was far preferable to capitalism. Alan Richardson, president of the American Public Power Association, recently told an audience that, "California is a great example of municipal utilities that have ... taken care of their customers while investor-owned utilities have taken care of their shareholders ... Every customer of a private utility is seen as a profit center. With public power, every customer is seen as our owner and neighbor." Anti-utility activist Harvey Wasserman wrote in The Nation that "dereg apologists are having a hard time explaining why two California power companies were immune to the crisis: the Los Angeles Department of Water & Power and the Sacramento Municipal Utility District. Both are owned by the public ... during the crisis, rates charged by both companies have been stable."

It turns out, however, that publicly owned utilities charged the state an average of $344 for a megawatt of electricity during the first three months of the year. Private companies were meanwhile charging less than an average of $250 per megawatt. And those Houston-based "snakes" -- Reliant, Dynergy, and Enron -- were charging less than the publicly owned utilities, less than the sainted and celebrated L.A. Department of Water & Power ($292 per megawatt), less than the Sacramento Municipal Utility District ($330 per megawatt), less than other investor-owned California-based power marketers, and less than the overall market average. Other more ambitious sellers include those municipal "good neighbors" at Seattle's City Light Department ($634 per megawatt), BC Hydro ($498), and virtually every other socialist power entity that bellied up to the California wholesale power market.

But that's not to say that the municipals did anything wrong. They had an obligation to local taxpayers to maximize their revenues. Moreover, it turns out that the markups weren't all that great. The cost of producing electricity at the margin was so high because of the run-up of natural gas costs; most of the asking price reflected the cost of spinning electrons back at the plant. "It's insulting to ask for any money back. We weren't part of the problem, and we helped the state in a crisis," Peter Fletcher of the Sacramento Municipal Utility District told the San Francisco Chronicle. "And it's not like we're doing well."

Another interesting revelation is how inept California state agents were when they tried to run a power system previously managed satisfactorily by the utilities. The state "called us and said, `we're looking for power at $500 a megawatt hour for a seven-hour period,'" Kate Hora of the Modesto Irrigation District told the Chronicle. "There was no negotiation. We just helped them out at the price they named." These are the business wizards that Davis wants to take over the whole system?

It should go without saying that this doesn't help the governor's price gouging argument. The story Hora tells of how the state behaved with her utility is consistent with the stories related by the private marketers. The state asks for power and names a price. The company agrees. And several weeks later, Davis & Co. scream about "the gougers." The story Fletcher tells - of prices mostly reflecting costs -- likewise belies Davis' contention that greed explains all. If Sacramento's municipal utility found it hard to make any money even with sales of emergency power at $330 a megawatt, what makes anyone think it was easier for Enron et al.?

The Left's entire California story, it turns out, was built upon a breathtaking series of gubernatorial falsehoods and demagoguery. If Davis and his duplicitous henchman, David Freeman, have an ounce of credibility left, it's only because the nation is too riveted on the Chandra Levy matter to pay any attention to the bomb that went off in Sacramento last week.



To: asenna1 who wrote (170953)8/13/2001 3:06:49 PM
From: H-Man  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
One of the things the SacBee story leaves out, is how the utility companies wanted to enter in to long term contracts, to provide a low, stable price for extended periods of time.

They were denied.

From the LA Times

.
The Houston companies and other energy firms operating in California say they advised the state in 1997-98 to go for long-term contracts for electricity and avoid depending on the spot market--as it ended up doing by establishing the Power Exchange, which conducts an hourly auction in which the vast majority of the state's electricity is bought and sold.


It seems odd that the Bee would leave out such an important fact affecting the electricity prices in California.

Maybe because it does not make the utility companies the as much a bad guy as the author (or editor wanted).

complete article

By JAMES FLANIGAN, Times Senior Economics Editor

HOUSTON--The big companies in this city that supply a quarter of California's electricity consider themselves loyal Western businesses that have invested heavily in a shared future with the Golden State--not "out-of-state" generators, as Gov. Gray Davis referred to them last week, and certainly not the profiteering gougers he routinely accuses them of being.
"We invested in California. Our headquarters may be in Houston, but our generating plants are in California, and we're trying to be in that market for the long term. We consider ourselves in-state generators," said Joe Bob Perkins, president of Reliant Energy's wholesale group, which owns five generating plants in California.
As Davis and other Californians look eastward to Texas as the source of their power woes, what do the Texans themselves see when they look westward to California?
The Houston companies--Reliant, fellow generators Dynegy and Duke Energy, energy marketer Enron and natural gas pipeline and marketing company El Paso Energy--may be Texan through and through. Their worldview emanates from Louisiana Street in downtown Houston, where every block houses a huge energy conglomerate.
But the Texas firms echo the worries of many Californians when they fret about the summer ahead, forecasting a continual threat of blackouts because there simply is not enough electricity being generated to serve the state's 33.9 million residents.
A Houston business leader even claims credit for helping inspire the continuing meetings called by U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers to find a solution to California's electricity crisis, during which the state has only narrowly dodged widespread blackouts and two of the three big utilities teeter near bankruptcy.
"I called Larry Summers three weeks ago and said, 'You have an impending disaster,' " said Kenneth L. Lay, chairman of Enron. ". . . It's going to have ramifications for the financial markets in addition to what it's going to do for the whole economy."
Call them "in-state" or "out-of-state," today's companies are a different breed from the oil companies that once dominated business thinking here. These 21st century firms focus on natural gas and electricity and on using financial trading to offset risks in ways that seem to confirm the worst fears of Davis and most Californians.
"We view a power plant or a gas contract as an option: to decide to produce electricity from gas, or not to produce but sell the gas directly, or to hedge a contract to protect against price volatility," said Ralph Eads, an executive vice president of El Paso Energy, which owns the largest interstate gas pipeline serving California.
"We bring together the physical and financial markets," Eads said. All the major firms and many smaller companies in Houston today have trading floors where contracts on natural gas, electricity and other energy commodities are traded continuously to maximize profit and minimize risk.
In that way, the firms running many of California's power plants are different from the investor-owned utilities--Southern California Edison of Rosemead, Pacific Gas & Electric of San Francisco and San Diego Gas & Electric--that used to run them. The California firms do far less trading of energy commodities. None apparently used future contracts to hedge their risks in purchasing natural gas, which has skyrocketed in price in the last year.
The Houston companies and other energy firms operating in California say they advised the state in 1997-98 to go for long-term contracts for electricity and avoid depending on the spot market--as it ended up doing by establishing the Power Exchange, which conducts an hourly auction in which the vast majority of the state's electricity is bought and sold.
They were spurned, the Houstonians say, because California utilities and regulators believed that the price of electric power and the natural gas used to generate so much of it could only go down. Now, after prices have risen emphatically and California is seeking long-term contracts, the electricity generators and marketers say contracts can't be negotiated without "credit-worthy buyers."
They mean that the state's credit guarantee would have to stand behind the utilities, the Power Exchange and the Independent System Operator, which is charged with maintaining the power grid at all costs--and has found itself spending tens of millions of dollars for emergency electricity.
In Texas, in fact, long-term contracts are the cornerstone of plans to deregulate that state's electricity industry by Jan. 1.

Californians Seeing Texas Profits Rise
California utility executives, as well as the governor and millions of average citizens, note that the generating companies' profits have risen dramatically during the energy crisis and conclude that, at the very least, the companies took advantage of a bad situation.
The self-serving response from Houston to that kind of talk is to say that every supplier to the California system--whether generators from North Carolina and Georgia or the home-state companies from Rosemead, San Francisco and San Diego--probably also delayed selling to the Power Exchange to qualify for the higher emergency prices that could be offered by the Independent System Operator, a practice called "gaming the ISO."
"The system invites gaming," Enron's Lay said. "That's why we opposed the PX and ISO. We felt there was way too much opportunity for gaming the market."
Lay directs his charges at the California utilities, which continue to produce power from the nuclear plants they retained after deregulation. The California companies in turn aim their barbs at the newcomers from out of state. Edison sponsored a study of electricity pricing in the last year that showed power prices peaking at odd times, indicating a manipulated market.
But the differences between the view from Houston and that in California are more than a simple conflict over the prices of electricity and natural gas.
Those differences represent two takes on the economy: Texas prizes the flexibility and pace, and even the fragility, of a "new" economy. California paradoxically seems to be insisting on the stability and reliability of an "old," regulated economy.
For now, at least, the Texas view is holding sway and California's very prosperity will remain in peril unless it can adapt to a changing world.
When California moved to deregulate its electricity markets, the Houston companies saw great opportunity. All of them had grown out of the government's lifting of regulations on natural gas in the mid-1980s. They knew that the aftermath of deregulation in that case had encouraged greater supply of the commodity, because all producers gained access to the interstate pipelines.
But gas deregulation also brought greater volatility in price as gas customers--major industrial users and apartment complexes alike--made long- and short-term contracts to reflect individual needs.
That provided an opening for the services of companies such as Enron, which contracts to manage the energy needs of companies and institutions, using its financial expertise in buying and selling gas contracts to reduce exposure to wild swings in price.
The Texans hoped to expand into a huge new market when California deregulated electricity in 1998. And to be sure, many inside the state think the newcomers have profited--and unconscionably at that.
But that is not the view from Houston. Although the companies acknowledge higher profits, they worry about an unstable situation. So now they see the state as a problem to be fixed, rather than a present opportunity. And Wall Street too has become skittish about the companies, whose stocks have dipped 12% to 25% in the first two weeks of the year.
So the Texans are looking to pastures other than California for further investment.
Enron, for example, won the contract to handle all energy services for the University of California system except UCLA in 1998.
But Enron's wider ambitions for California--that it could win a huge market of residential customers by delivering power from other states--were frustrated. The relatively high pricing the utilities were granted, to allow them to recoup the costs of their nuclear plants and other investments, "made it uneconomic to try to compete for residential business because we couldn't guarantee a lower bill," said Steven Kean, an Enron vice president.
Dynegy, a natural gas trader that expanded into electricity, saw opportunity in buying old power plants in El Segundo and Long Beach at low prices.
"When we bought them, we assumed we'd repower them with new technology," said Stephen W. Bergstrom, president and chief operating officer.
Such an upgrading would require an investment of $200 million. But three years into its ownership of the old plants, Dynegy hasn't made that investment. Demand for electricity was so great "we couldn't take the plants offline to repower them," Bergstrom said. And besides, he said, the imposition of limited wholesale price caps by California regulators and Davis deterred the company.
However, Dynegy in 1999 spent $4 billion to acquire Illinova, the holding company for Illinois Light & Power, which provides electricity to the southern part of that state.

Energy Companies' Earnings Keep Rising
Meanwhile, running that old plant in El Segundo has yielded dramatic profits for Dynegy, as its earnings more than doubled in last year's third quarter.
Reliant Energy, formerly Houston Light & Power, a traditional utility, bought five plants in California but has also expanded in other areas, acquiring 21 plants in the Pennsylvania-New Jersey-Maryland power grid.
Reliant too showed a spike in profit in last year's third quarter, netting $100 million from operating plants in California but more than $170 million from expansion in Pennsylvania, company executives said.
His company is investing in California, said Perkins, the wholesale group president, but the two power plants the company is building are in Arizona and Nevada. The Arizona plant would provide electricity to California--but it would be beyond the jurisdiction of its political leaders and regulators.
The Houston companies' cooling enthusiasm for California is not a good sign for the state.
The view from Houston--and many other places across the country--is that the world is changing for California. It faces higher natural gas prices over a period of several years. It faces vulnerabilities because it must import 26% of its power from outside sources--the Bonneville Power Administration in the Pacific Northwest and utility companies in other states--and, the Texans say, it is not adapting to the challenges.
Even as commodity prices have soared, California has raised electricity rates only temporarily, 7% to 15%. Houstonians are contemptuous of this, saying that the higher prices for gas and thus electricity are not being fully experienced by the state's customers.
"The whole matter is subsidization," says Jack Farley, head of Western wholesale operations for Reliant. "The state orders the utilities to sacrifice their balance sheets to subsidize the customers. Now the state is asking us to subsidize the utilities by risking losses by buying natural gas to make electricity to provide to its utilities, which may not be able to pay.
"Will the governor of Washington say that an old plant in his state should run overtime, with environmental damage, to feed California? I don't think that's going to work."
For all the contrast between Houston and Sacramento, there is little disagreement about what needs to be done. The state must build more generating plants and change from a spot market to one based on long-term contracts.
But Houston and Sacramento differ on the means of achieving those goals.
In Sacramento, Davis and many legislators seem to favor a state power authority.
"We must get control of our energy destiny," Davis said in his State of the State speech Monday.
Financial markets would be Houston's method.
Lay of Enron cautions: "With everything Silicon Valley has done to the world--the Internet Age and technology--there's no way you can centralize decision-making and have an efficient, low-cost, reliable electricity system."
"If California had had a prudent portfolio of contracts coming into this period," he said, the explosion of short-term prices "would have had very little impact on the economy."

Times staff writer Nancy Vogel contributed to this story.


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To: asenna1 who wrote (170953)8/13/2001 3:07:17 PM
From: jlallen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769667
 
KYOTO: THE REAL KILLERS

www.cato.org

August 8, 2001
The Kyoto Killers
by Patrick J. Michaels

Patrick J. Michaels is senior fellow in environmental studies at the Cato Institute and author of "The Satanic Gases."
Predictably, our European friends spent July 16 berating the United States for its refusal to go along with the infamous Kyoto Protocol on global warming. As most people know, Kyoto is an international agreement to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases that, in reality, has no detectable influence on climate and costs a fortune. This reality notwithstanding, another semi-annual "Conference of the Parties" to Kyoto is taking place this week and next in Bonn, Germany. The last one was at The Hague, in the Netherlands, last November.

Chief among Monday's berators was Juergen Trittin, Germany's Environment Minister, who thundered that, "We cannot allow the country with the biggest emissions of greenhouse gases to escape responsibility." That's us, because we have the world's biggest economy (which just happens to also be one of the most energy-efficient).

So who killed Kyoto? If any one person will be fingered by history, it will be Trittin himself. If any group of nations is to be singled out, it will be the EU, which has been out of step with the rest of the world on Kyoto since day one.

Kyoto's last best chance at adoption was last November, when the same people who are now berating us in Bonn met at The Hague, two weeks after Election Day. The Clinton-Gore team, struggling to find some economically defensible way of meeting Kyoto's totally unrealistic target--which would require a 33 percent reduction in total U.S. emissions (read: energy use)--proposed that we meet half of that target by planting trees, building up the organic content of our soils, and selling/giving clean power production technology to polluting, poor (the two are highly correlated) nations.

Jurgen Trittin and the French Environment Minister, Dominique Voynet, said no. To them, speaking for the EU, the United States had to meet Kyoto by directly reducing energy use. Here they proved to even many radical American greens that Kyoto has nothing to do with climate and everything to do with hatred for the United States, very chic these days in Berlin, Paris and London.

So, the United States then proposed that it would only salt away 40 percent of its emissions in trees. No, said Trittin, Voynet and the EU. 30 percent? 20 percent? No. No. President Clinton gained the intercession of his friend, British PM Tony Blair. Voynet then turned on him, saying that he "had conceded too much to America."

In disgust, the U.S. negotiation team packed its bags and left. As it later admitted to USA Today, the final proposals would have caused grave economic damage. On the way out, EU security guards sat on their hands, as green demonstrators assaulted U.S. negotiator Frank Loy with a pie in the face on world television.

Surely the EU knew that, despite the November turmoil, there was a pretty good chance George Bush was going to be the next president. And not long after this happened, National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice announced, "Kyoto is dead."

For that, we have been subject to incessant rants about the United States being a "pariah" and a "rogue state." So who's the pariah here? Kyoto doesn't apply to China, the world's most populous nation. Nor India, the second largest. Are people in Russia clamoring for its adoption? What about Indonesia, Pakistan, the Middle East? Africa has real fish to fry, like AIDS.

It is clear that the vast majority of the world's citizens either aren't bound by Kyoto or don't care anyway. The United States is merely siding with the majority against a vocal and radical European minority that supports an ineffectual and expensive treaty, which they say can only be implemented in a fashion that will cause us (and, ultimately, the rest of the world) grave harm. There is no way the U.S. Senate will ratify it, anyway.

Kyoto always was sickly. At its inception, in December 1997, the Europeans pressed for impossibly large emission reductions, agreeing to a cut to 8 percent below 1990 levels for a five-year period centered around 2010. At Kyoto in 1997, as in The Hague in 2000, the EU proved incapable of standing up to its most radical green elements. Nor has the EU learned from these mistakes. On July 16 in Bonn the 15 EU leaders issued a joint declaration promising to fulfill their treaty commitments, adding one final farce to this tragic comedy. Why anyone would engage in a failed effort to do something that everyone knows wouldn't even have a measurable effect on global climate remains a mystery.

So, who killed Kyoto? Not us. Bush was merely the coroner. Jurgen Trittin, now railing about holding the United States "responsible" for his own irresponsibility, was the perpetrator, and the EU, wildly out of step with the rest of the world, was the accomplice. But they're Not Guilty, by reason of insanity.