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Politics : Formerly About Applied Materials -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sun Tzu who wrote (52871)9/22/2001 1:19:59 PM
From: James Calladine  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 70976
 
THIS ARTICLE MAKES MANY POINTS THAT NEED TO BE
UNDERSTOOD, DEBATED AND BROUGHT INTO ACTUALITY IN THE
BEST POSSIBLE FORM:
<<<From the NY Times:
September 21, 2001
First, Define the Battlefield

By MICHAEL WALZER

PRINCETON, N.J. -- There is an old Bill Mauldin cartoon in which two elderly gentlemen are sitting in a gentlemen's club. One leans
forward and speaks: "I say it's war, Throckmorton, and I say, let's fight!" There has been a lot of talk like that in Washington since
Sept. 11. And around the country, too: we all feel a little bit like Throckmorton's friend. But is it war? And if it is, how should we go about
fighting it?

Certainly we have an enemy, all of us, whatever our politics or religion. Our lives and our way of life have been attacked — everyone says
this, but it is true nonetheless. The attack may have had its most immediate origins in the Persian Gulf war; it may have been fueled by fervid
and highly distorted accounts of the blockade of Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But its causes go much deeper: resentment of
American power and hatred of the values that sometimes, at least, guide its exercise. This is not, however, a "war of civilizations," since our
enemy does not represent a civilization. We are not at war with Islam, even if terrorists exploit Islamic religious fervor.

So is it a war? The word is unobjectionable so long as those who use it understand what a metaphor is. There is, right now, no enemy state,
no obvious battlefield. "War" may serve well, however, as a metaphor to signify struggle, commitment, endurance. Military action, though it
may come, is not the first thing we should be thinking about. Instead, in this "war" on terrorism three other things take precedence: intensive
police work across national borders, an ideological campaign to engage all the arguments and excuses for terrorism and reject them, and a
serious and sustained diplomatic effort.

What the police have to do is obvious, but there is work also for religious leaders and public intellectuals, because the intellectual climate in
many parts of the world is insufficiently unfriendly to terrorism. Terrorists are morally as well as physically harbored, and the only remedy for
that is political argument. And our diplomats have a lot more to do than they did in building the coalition that fought the gulf war. That was a
jerry-built alliance, fit for the moment but not for the long haul. The alliance against terrorism has to be structured to last: it must rest on
demanding and enforceable agreements.

But military action is what everybody wants to talk about — not the metaphor of war, but the real thing. So what can we do? There are two
conditions that must be met before we can fight justly. We have to find legitimate targets — people actually engaged in organizing,
supporting or carrying out terrorist activities. And we must be able to hit those targets without killing large numbers of innocent people.

Despite the criticism of Israeli "assassinations" by United States officials, I don't believe that it matters, from a moral point of view, if the
targets are groups of people or single individuals, so long as these two criteria are met. If we fail to meet them, we will be defending our
civilization by imitating the terrorists who are attacking it.

It follows from these criteria that commando raids are likely to be better than attacks with missiles and bombs. When the target is, say, a
small and scattered group of terrorists-in-training, a soldier with a rifle is smarter than the smartest bomb. But what if the purpose of our
attack is to force governments that support terrorist activities to surrender the terrorists or to stop financing them? That is certainly a
legitimate aim — indeed a necessary aim of any alliance against terrorism. But our coercive capacities in that sphere are morally limited. We
can't coerce governments by terrorizing their civilian populations. In countries as desperately poor as Afghanistan, we can't set about
systematically destroying what infrastructure is left. Electricity grids and water purification plants are not legitimate targets.

We can bomb government buildings, which will probably be empty. And maybe if the bombing is spectacular and the pilots heroic, that
symbolic action will allow us to get on with what really has to be done. Terrorist states have to be isolated, ostracized and embargoed; their
borders closed; their secret organizations penetrated; their ideological justifications everywhere rejected. The greatest danger right now is
that having done sufficient damage — somewhere — we will edge away from these tasks and the commitment of resources necessary to
defeat terrorism. We should pursue the metaphorical war; hold back on the real thing.

Michael Walzer is professor of social science at the Institute for Advanced Study and co-editor of Dissent. >>>

Namaste!

Jim



To: Sun Tzu who wrote (52871)9/22/2001 1:25:35 PM
From: James Calladine  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 70976
 
GOOD NEWS (AT LEAST IN MY BOOK)
FROM ANOTHER THREAD:
<<<From: ajtj99 Saturday, Sep 22, 2001 10:41 AM

O/T There were some good articles in Newsweek this week regarding the response to Bin Laden.
Basically, it says the administration is a lot smarter than most people (including me) thought. Colin Powell knows ground troops in Afghanistan is a non-option, GWB says he's not going to send a $2-million dollar missile into a $10 tent to hit a camel in the ass, and a special forces mission seems suicidal.

What they're suggesting is what seems to be happening - a crackdown on the network worldwide and isolating those states that support the network. They used Libya as an example, and how they were isolated after the Lockerbie bombing. Although this does not seem to affect the Taliban, it is better than the alternatives, IMO.>>>

Namaste!

Jim



To: Sun Tzu who wrote (52871)9/22/2001 6:37:44 PM
From: ewolf  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 70976
 
OT...I appreciate the content of your posts but when you write that "many of their customers don't like them" I'm not sure where that information comes from. Is it anecdotal based on your own experience or is it news that you read or rumor that you heard? Emc is a large company. They undoubtedly have some percentage of dissatisfied customers. Ibm and Hitachi almost certainly have trouble with their customers as well. Even Amat may have such problems. What makes you think that emc dissatisfaction is disproportionate to their competitors?EMC does continue to dominate the market.