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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Hawkmoon who wrote (5874)10/17/2001 6:55:09 PM
From: Scoobah  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
OK, who won the bet on how long it would take Arik to use the words WAR???

here they are;


Thursday, October 18, 2001 Cheshvan 1, 5762 Israel Time: 00:52 (GMT+2)


haaretzdaily.com


Background / Ze'evi's death puts pressure on Sharon to act

By Bradley Burston, Ha'aretz Correspondent




With Israel rocked by the first Arab assassination of a cabinet minister in its history, both Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat now face fateful - perhaps impossible - tests of leadership.

"Everything has changed" Sharon told an emergency meeting of senior ministers after Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine gunmen mortally wounded Israel's iconic arch-hawk Rehavam Ze'evi in a Jerusalem hotel on the fringes of Palestinian-controlled West Bank territory.

In a conscious echo of President George W. Bush's remarks following the World Trade Center and Pentagon attacks, Sharon told the ministers that a new period had begun, in which "The situation is different today, and will not again be like it was yesterday."

Perhaps the clearest indication that the assassination might be later seen as a watershed in the bloodsoaked Israeli-Palestinian conflict was given by Ze'evi's political foe Shimon Peres, whom Ze'evi attacked Monday as the de facto director of the government's foreign policy. In what was viewed as an indirect warning to the Palestinian Authority, Peres was widely quoted as telling British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw in a telephone conversation soon after the shooting "If Arafat doesn't take the matters in hand, everything will go up in flames."

An emotional Sharon was more direct, as he eulogized his longtime comrade-in-arms in a Knesset memorial session, using Ze'evi's nom de guerre in recalling "Gandhi, may the Almighty avenge his blood." Sharon placed the blame for the assassination squarely at Arafat's door. "The responsibility is his alone," Sharon told the Knesset."We want peace with the Palestinian people, but compromise with terrorism will not happen - it will not be ... We will wage a war to the death with the terrorists, and those who aid and send them."

The assassination followed the resumption this week of Israel's policy of "targeted killings" of suspected Palestinian militants, operations which have drawn severe American and world criticism.

The killing immediately ratcheted up rightist pressure on Sharon to heed their calls to declare war on the Palestinian Authority and its senior leadership, and to raise the sights of Israel's "hit list" to include officials long considered immune because of their senior positions.

Ze'evi and Avigdor Lieberman, co-leaders of the far-right National Union-Yisrael Beiteinu party, announced Monday that they were quitting a government they said was too soft on Arafat. Just before the resignation deadline Wednesday, Lieberman announced that the party would delay the measure at least until after the one-week mourning period, thus temporarily easing fears that the Sharon government was about to unravel.

But during a period of rare friction between Israel and its patron ally Washington - anxious to keep intifada-linked violence at a minimum as it wages war in Afghanistan - it was unclear how much latitude Sharon could expect in ordering a military reprisal for the killing. Sharon and his ministers were keeping close to the vest the steps they might take to raise the stakes in response to the killing.

Arafat, meanwhile, also faces a probable lack of room to maneuver. A long year of conflict has eroded Palestinian support for peacemaking, and Arab anger over the scores of killings that Palestinians have condemned as Israeli assassinations is likely to limit the scope of any crackdown that Arafat can order in response to the death of Ze'evi.

Arafat's response may also be mitigated by Ze'evi's longtime status as one of the Israelis most reviled by Palestinians. Ze'evi first came to prominence when he was elected to the Knesset 13 years ago as the foremost proponent of mass "transfer" of Palestinians out of the West Bank and Gaza.

However, if Arafat in the past had looked to the Israeli left for understanding and a measure of leeway, he could little expect it this time. "The murder of Rehavam Ze'evi places a grave test before the Palestinian Authority," opposition leader Yossi Sarid of the dovish Meretz party, told the Knesset after Sharon left the rostrum. "It will have to institute especially tough measures to suppress the murderers - no more ducking the job, no more stealthiness."

Cabinet minister Tzippi Livni indicated that Israel would try to bring international leverage on Arafat, of late the subject of diplomatic courtship by U.S. and British officials keen to gain tacit or active Palestinian backing for their attacks against targets in Afghanistan.

"Today a message has gone out from the state of Israel to the international community, stating that the situation now demands that the international community - which has hugged Arafat in recent days - take unequivocal action and send clear, clean-cut, unqualitfied messages to Arafat - telling him, enforcing this - that he will have no place in the free world which is today fighting terrorism, if he does not once and for all do his duty."

Meanwhile, for the second time since the 1995 assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, another of Ze'evi's army comrades, the Shin Bet security service's VIP bodyguard unit was under pressure as having missed clues to an impending killing.

According to Ha'aretz commentator Danny Rubinstein, just last week senior PFLP officials publicly vowed to avenge Israel's August killing of the group's leader Abu Ali Mustafa, by targeting senior Israeli officials. The new PFLP head, Ahmed Sadat, is known to be one of the more radical members of the organization.

Moreover, Rubinstein writes, the hotel offered the killers a number of advantages as a murder site. "The Hyatt hotel is known as an important meeting place for Arabs in East Jerusalem. The hotel is situated near Jerusalem's northern entrance" [to Palestinian-controlled areas of the West Bank].

"The hotel is easily accessible, and it is not a problem to flee from it, either. Most of the hotel's staff is Arab, including several members of the management. Therefore, there was no real difficulty for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine to carry out the assassination. Arabs entering the hotel do not draw attention."



To: Hawkmoon who wrote (5874)10/18/2001 2:08:59 AM
From: Thomas M.  Respond to of 281500
 
<<< Since 1971, the US and Israel have been virtually alone in rejecting the standard interpretation of the withdrawal clause of UN 242. The basic cause for the misery and suffering that followed is their conviction, which has proven to be correct, that "if we continue to hold out, we will obtain more." >>>

Add Hawkmoon to that list of those rejecting the standard interpretation of UN 242.

<<< UN 242 "emphasiz[es] the inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by war and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every state in the area can live in security." It calls for "Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict" and "Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every state in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force." It calls for an agreement among states; Palestinian rights are mentioned only in the call for "a just settlement of the refugee problem," left unspecified. UN 242 is therefore thoroughly rejectionist, if we understand the concept of rejectionism in nonracist terms: as denial of the right to national self-determination of one or the other of the two contending parties in the former Palestine. >>>

zmag.org

Tom



To: Hawkmoon who wrote (5874)10/18/2001 2:11:32 AM
From: Thomas M.  Respond to of 281500
 
Israeli Position on Three
Main Points at Taba Talks
Contravenes International
Law

by Arjan El Fassed

At its weekly meeting yesterday, the Israeli cabinet took cognizance of
both Prime Minister Ehud Barak's statement regarding the departure of
the delegation to the negotiations with the Palestinians at Taba and the
Israeli position on three main points. However, all these points
contravene international law and are therefore ink on paper.

The official Israeli cabinet communication stated that "Israel will never
allow the right of Palestinian refugees to return to inside the State of
Israel." However, according to international law, Palestinian and other
refugees are entitled to full restitution, which includes the right of return
of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes of origin, the return of
their property, and the right to compensation for material and
non-material losses.

The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194 (December 1948)
states that "refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace
with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest
practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property
of those choosing not to return and for the loss or damage to
property..." This resolution has been reaffirmed one hundred and ten
times by the UN.

Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) states
that "everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence
within the borders of each state. (2) Everyone has the right to leave any
country, including his own, and to return to his country" and the the
Fourth Geneva Conventions (1949) prohibit "individual or mass forcible
transfers ... regardless of their motive" and calls for evacuated persons
to be "transferred back to their homes as soon as hostilities in the area
in question have ceased."

Moreover, UN General Assembly Resolution 3236 (1974) upholds "the
inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and
property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls
for their return" and UN General Assembly Resolution 52/62 (1997)
"reaffirms that the Palestine Arab refugees are entitled to their property
and to the income derived therefrom, in conformity with the principles of
justice and equity."

Additionally, the Israeli communication stated that Israeli PM Barak
would "not sign any document which transfers sovereignty over the
Temple Mount to the Palestinians." That Israel has acquired territorial
sovereignty in those areas is not sustainable in international law.
Conquest, whether aggressive or defensive, does not confer title. Not
only has the international community declined recognition of the title of
Israel to Jerusalem, but they have, more positively, expressly and
repeatedly declined to do so.

Between 1947 and 1996, the UN Security Council issued 21 resolutions
condemning Israeli policies in Jerusalem that violate international
(human rights) law. The General Assembly has also issued similar
resolutions (54 resolutions between 1947 and 1992, excluding those
that were vetoed by the US). These resolutions were issued either
because of Israeli policies and measures on Jerusalem in particular, or
they referred to Jerusalem in the context of the Occupied Territories.

The resolutions emphasize the illegitimacy of Jerusalem's annexation,
based on the illegitimacy of acquiring territory by war. Additionally,
these resolutions regard the city as an integral part of the Occupied
Territories and emphasize the applicability of international humanitarian
law, especially the Fourth Geneva Convention. There has been
unheard-of international unanimity over these resolutions.

Finally, the Israeli communication stated that "Israel insists that in any
settlement, 80% of the Jewish residents of Judea, Samaria and Gaza
will be in settlement blocs under Israeli sovereignty." However, the
establishment of permanent civilian settlements contravenes
international humanitarian law, which prohibits an occupying power from
transferring population from its territory into territory it occupies, and
from performing any act in occupied territory that is not intended to
meet its military needs or benefit the local population.

Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention explicitly provides that, "the
Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian
population into the territory it occupies." The commentary of the
International Committee of the Red Cross to this article states that the
article is intended to prevent a practice adopted during the Second
World War by certain Powers, which transferred portions of their own
population to occupied territory for political and racial reasons or in
order, as they claimed, to colonize those territories.

The declared purpose of the settlers, like that of Israeli governments
that established the settlements, was and continues to be to change
the demographics in the Occupied Territories, a change that was
actually accomplished, at least in those areas in which there is
congested Israeli settlement.

The Israeli government initiated most of the Jewish settlement in the
Occupied Territories. All of the relevant ministries and authorities
assisted by expropriating land, planning, implementing, and financing.
The various Israeli governments encouraged and continue to encourage
Israeli civilians to move to the Occupied Territories by providing benefits,
such as grants and loans under favorable terms.

Even where individual settlers, rather than the government, established
settlements, the government acted retroactively to turn these into
permanent settlements. To achieve this, the government assisted with
planning, infrastructure, establishment of public buildings and
institutions, expropriation of land to expand the settlements, and
encouragement of other Israeli civilians to live there.

Settlements established pursuant to the decision of a government
committee, through governmental planning, implementation, assistance
and encouragement, clearly breach article 49 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention.

A fundamental principle of international humanitarian law relating to
territory subject to belligerent occupation is that occupation is
essentially a temporary situation. The temporary nature of occupation
entails limitations imposed on the occupying power regarding the
creation of permanent facts in the occupied territory.

Article 46 of the Hague Regulations prohibits the confiscation of private
property. Article 52 allows the occupying power to requisition land in
exchange for compensation, but only to meet its military needs.
Requisition of land, contrary to confiscation, is temporary by definition,
and the occupying power does not obtain ownership. Article 55 of the
Hague Regulations stipulates that the occupying state is regarded only
as trustee of public property in the area, and does not obtain ownership
of the property.

Since the military commander is not the sovereign in the territory and
his administration there is only temporary, he may exercise only two
considerations when making decisions concerning the occupied
territory: the welfare of the local population and his security needs.
Thus, the occupying state may only institute permanent changes where
they are intended for the local population.

Since it has never been contended that the settlements were
established to benefit the Palestinian residents of the Occupied
Territories, the legal justification for their establishment must be that
they were temporary actions intended for security needs. Since this is
clearly not the case, in establishing the settlements, Israel is violating a
fundamental principle of international humanitarian law.


mediamonitors.net



To: Hawkmoon who wrote (5874)10/18/2001 2:16:03 AM
From: Thomas M.  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
merip.org

<<< Until such time as Israel respects this obligation, the relevant principles of international law are contained in the Fourth Geneva Convention concerning the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (August12, 1949), in particular those provisions of the Convention that require an occupying power to protect the status quo, human rights and prospects for self-determination of the occupied people, and oblige all signatories to enforce the Convention in the face of "grave breaches." Since 1967 and during the current uprising, Israel has refused to accept this framework of legal obligations. Its refusal has been pronounced, blatant and undisguised. >>>