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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: E who wrote (7938)10/29/2001 8:07:48 AM
From: Lane3  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
E, here's a follow up to our earlier discussion about influences on US Mosques.

Karen

FBI Wary of Investigating Extremist Muslim Leaders
Agency May Rethink Hesitancy on Religious Figures

By Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, October 29, 2001; Page A04

Fearing charges of religious persecution, the FBI for years has hesitated to investigate radical Islamic clerics in the United States despite evidence that their mosques have been used to recruit and fund suspected terrorists, present and former law enforcement officials said.

Even after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, "the veil of religion that has been draped over mosques . . . will be tough to move off," an FBI official said last week. "The Arab American community can become enraged and beat on the FBI."

President Bush, American Muslim leaders and clerics of many other faiths have stressed that Islam is a religion of peace and the United States a land of tolerance. Yet U.S. intelligence and law enforcement officials suspect that a small number of American mosques with extremist leaders, or imams, have played a role in terrorism.

The religious doctrine preached inside Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network has drawn its adherents into "a divinely ordained battle to liberate Muslim lands," said Daniel Benjamin, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies who was a terrorism expert in the Clinton National Security Council.

"This outlook, and the violence at its core, is rejected by most modern Islamic authorities and an anathema to most Muslims. But it reflects how deeply alienated these extremists are," Benjamin said.

Under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the FBI has broad powers to wiretap or bug any site where foreign terrorist activity is suspected. But some law enforcement experts believe the FBI has hamstrung itself by excessive sensitivity about possible criticism because religious figures are involved.

"You can't be in a struggle with a segment of a religious movement and not pursue them as you would any other suspected criminal," said Phillip B. Heymann, a professor of criminal law at Harvard Law School.

"The standard of probable cause ought to be the same for religious leaders as for others," said Heymann, who headed the criminal division of the Justice Department during the Carter administration and was briefly deputy attorney general under former president Bill Clinton.

The bureau's fear of investigating religious leaders is illustrated by its handling of Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, 62, the radical Islamic leader who came to the United States in 1990 with a history of alleged but unproven involvement in terrorism. He had been detained by Egypt's security services after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat in 1981. Though never convicted, he was kept for a time under house arrest in Egypt and was charged a second time in 1992. By then, he was already in the United States.

During the early 1990s, Rahman was one of a number of radical imams who appeared at Arab American gatherings across the country, "collecting money and preaching religious views antagonistic to the United States and its interests," a former FBI official said.

Rahman, who had met Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan in the 1980s and again in Sudan in the 1990s, "was his religious contact in the U.S.," the former official added. Two of Rahman's sons went to Afghanistan to work with bin Laden, and one was recently pictured at bin Laden's side.

Once in the United States, Rahman rose to a position of prominence in the Islamic communities centered in northern New Jersey and parts of New York City.

In 1991, Rahman and his coterie challenged Mustafa Shalabi, the local imam, for control of a mosque in Brooklyn. After Shalabi was later found murdered, Rahman challenged his successor and won a vote of mosque members in 1993. The murder remains unsolved.

Rahman already had control of another mosque in Jersey City, where some of his strongest supporters lived. But he did not limit himself to the East Coast. He also "traveled around the country . . . up and down the West Coast, where he was welcomed at mosques and greatly admired," the former bureau official said.

Five months before the Feb. 26, 1993, bombing of the World Trade Center and three years after receiving intelligence about his alleged terrorist background, the FBI opened an investigation of Rahman. Approval to do so came only after months of internal haggling and discussions with Justice Department lawyers over the ramifications of focusing on a religious leader.

Although the FBI placed Rahman's bodyguard and driver under loose surveillance, Rahman himself was never questioned or put before a grand jury. Nor were his offices bugged, according to a former senior FBI official. Records of Rahman's mosques in Brooklyn and Jersey City were never subpoenaed, and no wiretaps were put on the mosques' phones, the official said.

The post-bombing investigation led to Rahman's 1995 conviction for "directing others to perform acts" such as plotting to bomb bridges, tunnels and buildings in New York City, in the words of the trial judge. That case showed him to be a central figure for the Islamic extremists who carried out the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center and, later, for some of those involved in the 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

Although Rahman has been serving a life sentence since 1996 -- he is now held at the U.S. Bureau of Prisons' federal medical center outside Rochester, Minn. -- he remains an influential figure for al Qaeda.

At a trial last June, Ahmed Ressam, the Algerian arrested for planning to bomb the Los Angeles Airport as one of a series of worldwide terrorist attacks set around New Year's 2000, testified that the blind sheik's words were still being used in 1998 at bin Laden's training camps in Afghanistan.

"A fatwa [religious ruling] issued by Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman with his picture" was distributed at one camp, Ressam recalled. "It said it was a fatwa by Omar Abdel Rahman from prison. It says fight Americans and hit their interests everywhere," he said.

Witnesses in the embassy bombings trial also identified Moataz Al-Hallak as a fundamentalist cleric in the United States with ties to bin Laden. In the 1990s Al-Hallak ran a mosque in Arlington, Tex., where at one time he assisted in the purchase of a small airplane requested by Wadih El-Hage, then bin Laden's personal secretary.

Al-Hallak, who now lives in Laurel, appeared before a federal grand jury in New York three times in 1999 as part of the investigation of the embassy bombings. He was also questioned by the FBI after the Sept. 11 attacks. But he was released, and his attorney said he had no involvement in either plot.

"There remains tremendous sensitivity to investigating a member of the cloth," said a former senior FBI official who worked in counterterrorism. "You need overwhelming information, whether he is an imam allegedly supporting Osama bin Laden or a priest supposedly helping the IRA."

The senior FBI official, however, noted that despite the bureau's timidity in the past, "a change in thinking may be taking place" today.

One current FBI interest is in Rahman's followers -- the network of imams and mosques he presided over and visited in the United States. The bureau hopes to determine the names of American Muslims who were recruited and sent to Afghanistan for training at bin Laden's camps. "We don't have a clue of all those who went through that system," an FBI official said.

© 2001 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: E who wrote (7938)10/29/2001 9:02:03 AM
From: Lane3  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
And another.

Mosque Leader's Past Returns to Haunt Him
Jews Describe Overtures as 'Trojan Horse'

By Hanna Rosin
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, October 29, 2001; Page A03

CLEVELAND -- Fawaz Damra, imam of the Cleveland Islamic Center, takes as his informal title "ambassador for Islam in America." He invites Jews to celebrate the end of Ramadan and kibitzes with them. After a man crazed over the Sept. 11 attacks rammed his car into Damra's mosque, the local paper featured a half-page photo spread of Damra hugging the local Catholic bishop.

Damra also stood before a crowd of fellow Palestinians in Chicago to raise money for the Islamic Jihad, the terrorist group dedicated to holy war against Israel. "The Jihad stabs Jews," he said in a 1991 meeting that was videotaped. "Twelve Jews. . . . Who will give $500?" His fellow warriors, he said, should direct "a rifle at the first and last enemy of the Islamic nation, and that is the sons of monkeys and pigs, the Jews."

"It makes you think, 'Who is this guy, really?' " said Rabbi Richard A. Block of Temple-Tifereth Israel in Cleveland, one of the many Jewish leaders who decided to boycott Damra's recent Islamic Day dinner after a local TV station aired the videotape. "Maybe this is a Trojan horse. Maybe under the guise of peaceful, friendly Islam there is a whole other radical thing going on under the surface."

Who is this guy, really? Since Sept. 11, the question has shadowed some suddenly prominent Muslim leaders. Publicly, mosque leaders stay on message: Islam is peace, and we are Americans. They cling to distinctions as neat as the one President Bush draws in the war he is waging -- not a crusade or a clash of cultures, he maintains, but a campaign of civilized nations, Christian and Muslim together, against a band of radical terrorists.

But contradictory statements have leaked out and blurred the distinctions. What if peaceful and radical co-exist within the same community? Or within the same mosque? Or within the same person?

In NorthernVirginia, a prominent cleric has expressed regret for having praised radical Muslim causes. In New York, an imam delivered a post-Sept. 11 sermon on interfaith healing and love; on Oct. 4, he was quoted on an Arabic Web site as saying that Jewish doctors were poisoning Muslim children and that Zionist air-traffic controllers guided the hijackers of the planes that crashed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. He has resigned from his mosque.

At least two of the Muslim leaders invited to the White House to support the president's contention that the United States is not waging war on Islam also have said incendiary things about America in the past. "To be honest, it's been difficult finding someone who is -- how should I put it? -- totally clean, or who qualifies as a through-and-through moderate," said a White House staff member who spoke on condition of anonymity.

Damra, 39, has apologized many times for the "deplorable" things he has said in the past. But it's not just the past he has to contend with. In the houses and shops of Lorain Avenue, where his followers work and live, it's a rare person who doesn't include in his prayers Hamas and Hezbollah, both groups on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations.

Now Jewish leaders in Cleveland have issued an informal ultimatum: Purge your mosque of radicals -- anyone who supports what they and the United States consider a terrorist organization -- or no more interfaith meetings. Or Passover dinners. Or photo ops on the mosque steps.

Damra could ignore the Jewish leaders. But their cooperation is his ticket to mainstream America, to his imagined ambassadorship, maybe to a White House meeting of religious leaders.

Or he could reject those Palestinian "radicals." Except that they are some of his best friends, the people who welcomed him to Cleveland and taught him to sound less like a foreigner even while joking with him about a certain kebab vendor they all knew back home in Nablus.

So what does Damra do?

'I Had No Clue'
In Damra's mind, he has already chosen America. When he said those things about Jews, he said in an interview, he was here but not here, fresh from an Arab ghetto in Brooklyn, imam of an Atlantic Avenue mosque. "I had no clue how to talk to Jews," he said in now-perfected slang. "I barely spoke English. I didn't realize what extraordinary people they are, as I now do."

In Cleveland, he said, America opened up to him. Here there was no ghetto, just a few scattered Arabic stores you could miss if you drove too quickly. Here there was the chance to build a grand mosque, patterned after the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, where Palestinians and Pakistanis and blacks, Shiites and Sunnis could worship together.

Here he has a wife who does what she pleases, who goes to the mosque or, more often, not, who goes out covered in her jilbab, sure, but wears plenty of makeup and a trendy dress underneath she bought on sale at Kaufman's.

Here he gets quoted in the paper alongside any bishop or rabbi.

So how to explain the tape?

Somebody said "this is a moderate voice for Islam, and he is getting too much powerful. He will make America see the real Islam," Damra said in his mosque library. "And they decided, no!"

"This" -- the release of the tape -- "is a plot to show we are exotic, to keep us completely marginalized."

In the weeks after Sept. 11, Martin Plax, head of the local American Jewish Committee, was on those mosque steps several times. But by the end, he was losing patience.

"I was starting to see Damra in more places, and my kirschka" -- that's "instinct" in Yiddish -- "said to me: 'This is too much. More prayer services and more prayer services and poor Muslims, poor Muslims.'

"I said to myself, if all this love-in stuff continues, I bet you I know what will happen. I bet you they're going to start relativizing terror. It's okay to blow up bombs in Israel because, poor Palestinians."

Then came the tape. And then a series of apologies Plax considered insufficient at best.

At first, when he was ambushed on the TV show with the video clip of his younger, angrier self, Damra said, "This statement is referring to some minority among the Jews who are killing children and bulldozing homes, the same as those terrorist acts in New York and Washington."

To which Plax said: "Crap" and, "He is not a real Muslim."

Then Damra published an apology in the local paper, expressing his "overwhelming regret and sadness for the horrific statements I made a decade ago about my Jewish brothers." Hearing the words now, he wrote, "in my heart I am sickened, too."

To which Plax said: "I know his language. I've known him for 10 years. He didn't write this . . . thing. The English is too good."

Now, there is a stalemate. Plax believes he knows what Damra wants: "The Muslims want legitimacy in America so bad they can taste it. And I'm not unsympathetic to that."

But Plax has his conditions. "I'm willing to open up the door, but there are radical elements in that mosque. And those people need to be flushed."

Plax is not the only one who feels that way. After the tape was aired, the mosque board decided to meet and discuss what to do about Damra. But on the afternoon of their meeting, Damra gathered about 400 of his supporters and blocked the meeting room.

"A constitutional crisis," said mosque president Badr Ghumrawi, who later resigned with three other members. None of those who left are Palestinian, and most of the protesters are.

Board members have since found out more about Damra -- that he was an unindicted co-conspirator in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and was followed by the FBI for four years for his association with Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, the blind Egyptian cleric sentenced to life in a U.S. prison in connection with a plot to bomb Manhattan's Lincoln and Holland tunnels.

"We've let a small group of Palestinians define Islam for the rest of the world," concluded another board member who resigned.

Damra said that the protest by his supporters was spontaneous and that he would like to see the departed board members return. About his past, he says, "I have never associated with any of the bombers" the FBI asked him about. "I never met any one of those guys."

The remaining board members have dropped the issue, and Damra's position seems safe.

In 'Little Arabia'
Out on Lorain Avenue, where Palestinians own many of the shops and the social club, this is the only acceptable outcome. Here, Damra is seen as a victim of the same people who trash the name of Hamas, of Hezbollah, even of Osama bin Laden. Those people, they refer to as "they" or "the Zionists."

Damra likes to brush off this particular brand of support as unwelcome, the superstitions of "Little Arabia," of "the uneducated Palestinians who came here two years ago and watch only Arab television." But the view runs deeper, to Arabs here 30 years, to Arabs born here.

Haider Alawan is a former mentor to Damra and unofficial mouthpiece of his mosque. A Detroit native, an Army veteran, Alawan stood up at a televised town meeting in September and defended Hezbollah as freedom fighters who saved his people in South Lebanon.

"America has to know there are interests controlling them, controlling the media, the banking system," he said. "But I better stop. My wife is afraid the Zionists will come and get me."

Sam Ali, a Palestinian, has spent 32 years in the United States. "Why do they want to say the imam is a terrorist?" he said, leaning against crates of Pepsi in his store. "Why do they say Jihad, Hezbollah are terrorists? They are not terrorists. It is Israel and the ones who support Israel who are the terrorists."

Two blocks behind the store is a family that fits Damra's description perfectly. The Al-Salehs came here two years ago from Palestine. Their one-bedroom apartment is a jumble of cultures: Turkish pillows on plastic lawn chairs, family portraits hung low on the wall, Middle Eastern style, including one of his nephew Masud.

"Moto-Foto," said Faiser Al-Saleh about one of the pictures. "They do an excellent job with the blowup."

The picture was taken at a demonstration in Ramallah last year. Behind the jubilant 13-year-old boy, a crowd is burning pictures of former president Bill Clinton and former Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak. A month later, Al-Saleh said, Masud was killed by an Israeli soldier. That explains the bloody sock pinned to the photo.

"Relics, you say in English?" Al-Saleh asked.

"Mo, what are you doing on that computer, your homework?" he yelled to his son, Mohammed, who is also 13.

"Yes," yelled Mohammed, although he was playing a game called Combat. Practicing, Mohammed said, to be like his cousin, "a martyr for Palestine."

But being a martyr means he will have to die.

"But I don't want to die," he said. "We just got here," he said, meaning Cleveland.

How about something having to do with computers instead? His dad said he was good at that.

"But I must be a hero for Palestine," he said. And after a pause, his eyes lit up, because he had thought of a solution.

"Maybe I can be like our imam. He is a hero for Palestine, no?"

© 2001 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com