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To: Oeconomicus who wrote (133853)10/29/2001 5:36:53 PM
From: craig crawford  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 164684
 
The source of world peace
worldnetdaily.com

The "world community" is acting to restore peace, as they say, in East Timor. This sounds like a good thing, and doubtless it is true that thousands of Australian troops will help discourage further massacres of priests and nuns. But peace is more than the silence of guns, and this week seems an appropriate time to raise the question of what would be necessary for the "world community" to really be an agent of peace, or even a community at all.

These days, of course, the "world community" typically means "the United Nations." So the question is, can the U.N. be a cause of peace? I say it cannot, at least as long as it is riddled with institutions, organizations and activists whose principal objective is the destruction of the true sources of human community, and therefore of peace, all over the world. While the troops arrive in East Timor, we should remember the deeper implications of the agenda promoted by U.N. activists under the rubric of the promotion of "rights." Primary among these is the elimination of the very notion of motherhood.

It is remarkable, but no coincidence, that the idea of rights has been much in vogue in a century that has seen more disregard for human rights and human dignity than any other period in history. Rightly understood, respect for human rights can be the basis for securing human dignity and building institutions to nourish it. But the modern notion of rights held by the legions of population planners and "feminists" infesting the U.N., seeks to free human life and will from all authority, and from all principles of moral judgment that are not somehow determined by human choice. The U.N. agenda has at its core the assertion of human willfulness at the expense of the transcendent authority without which human will often becomes an engine of human atrocity.

To see this, we need to turn from diplomatic and bureaucratic sophistications to some common sense. The opposite of rights is wrongs, injustices. But how can you tell the difference between rights and wrongs, if there is no objective difference between right and wrong? The very concept of rights, therefore, rests upon a foundation of objective moral truth.

The crucial question is whether the ground for moral truth can be sustained simply by human will, choice and power. Is convention, as the ancient Greek saying put it, "king of all things"? Sometimes people agree on things that are atrocious. Does this make them right? Honest historians in the future will consider the 20th century to be the worst century in the history of human existence up to its time, because of the number and scale of human atrocities, all over the world. Perhaps the only thing that kept pace with these atrocities was the ominous expansion of the horizons of a certain kind of materialistic human knowledge.

This was no accident, because part of the basis for that expansion of scientific knowledge was an abandonment of the view that the world is ordered by a will beyond human will and law. We have dared to treat the world as if the order that we perceive in it implies no moral foundation for human life, but presents only a potential that can be used or abused according to human will. When scientific materialism dominates one's understanding of human things, then human beings as such cease to be ends in themselves. They cease to be sacred vessels of something that transcends the material world, and they become instead mere things, just like the elemental forces that we can use or abuse to make our cars go or build nuclear power plants.

The denial of a transcendent and objective will in the world offers tyrants and their clerks a grave temptation to disregard of the universal claim of human dignity. And what does the word "rights" mean then? It all too often becomes simply an empty label placed on policies that aim at the attainment and concentration of power in human affairs. Human beings simply become the playthings of ambitions, appetites and theories -- theories that may perhaps aim at realizing a concept of a better world, but which do so at the cost of our ability to distinguish between what is truly better and worse in the human realm.

This is why the international "rights" agenda focuses so much on the whole issue of so-called "reproductive rights," and why abortion has become a central focus of the battle. The practice of abortion translates most directly the dehumanizing results of scientific materialism into the human context, asserting that it is not only legitimate, but necessary for the larger good, that we should treat human beings as if they are mere things, with no more intrinsic significance than any other elements of the material world that we deal with and manipulate.

The body-destroying assault of concentration camps and extermination ovens has not been the most gruesome aspect of the atrocities of modernity. It has been the soul-destroying assault, which attacks the organic wholeness of both the human person and human institutions and societies, that has most deeply destroyed peace in our century. It is a great irony that throughout the U.N. and its associated activities are found so-called champions of women's rights who actually do their best to undermine the understanding that the opportunity to be a mother is a central part of a woman's nature. They know that the real aim of their agenda of death must be not just the destruction of physical life in the womb. The very concepts that sustain our elemental human institutions must be either translated into a new and meaningless language, or else destroyed.

Without the formative concepts of family and mother, the world literally will no longer contain individuals worthy of the name, because there will be nothing about them that is acknowledged as elemental or indivisible, deserving respect in itself. The only acknowledged organic whole will be created by the power of government and other institutions which are supposed to represent the higher welfare or purposes of human society. These institutions will have as their raw material millions of animate bodies that are tolerated as they pursue their satiating pleasures. But they will not acknowledge individual souls that can lay claim to any intrinsic respect against the powers that seek to manipulate them into being docile parts of a larger whole.

Standing in the way of realizing this totalitarian future are the institutions that most nurture the moral sense of the human individual, that teach us that we are not in the world simply to serve the purposes of others -- of government, of society, of institutions -- but rather as ends in ourselves, to be respected as such in our dignity.

Most human beings learn this lesson from mothers, who show in so many ways that the significance of their children goes beyond the fragile little body. Mothers treat the helpless little child as if it were the king of the world. In doing so they teach the world the most important lesson of all about the intrinsic and universal dignity of man. The love of mothers teaches us to acknowledge the presence of God in the child. Through this affirmation we realize the real foundation of the human claim to dignity, which is that spark of divinity in each of us that makes us moral beings, with a dignity that goes beyond our circumstances and condition.

The agenda of proliferating "rights" and of the supposedly liberating freedom from such things as motherhood and family leads directly to the view that the worth of human beings is determined by material conditions. The shrill chorus of demand for "rights" to material success and personal liberation confines the field of human hope to our physical circumstances and our ability to manipulate those circumstances through scientific trickery. Such an understanding of the human condition denies our capacity to transcend all such material conditions and circumstances, and thereby ignores the anonymous heroism of cradle and hearth throughout the ages of the world.

Whatever material efforts the world community makes to restore peace in the world's "trouble spots" will be in vain until the nations cease to acquiesce together in the deepest war of all -- the revolt of human will against the nurturing constraints of nature that God has not imposed, but given, to make us free to be His children. There can be no "world community" except on the basis of this truth, and no true peace.

Former Reagan administration official Alan Keyes, was U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Social and Economic Council and 2000 Republican presidential candidate.



To: Oeconomicus who wrote (133853)10/29/2001 6:24:05 PM
From: craig crawford  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 164684
 
Terrorism -- American style
worldnetdaily.com

Thursday's announcement of an ambiguous Yugoslav peace agreement shouldn't obscure the deep damage that the so-called civilized world has inflicted on its own conscience by following the moral leadership of Bill Clinton.

The apparent willingness of Milosevic to accept some version of NATO's terms may mean that NATO's criminal effort to break the will of the Yugoslavian people is working. A sustained and punishing attack on the people of Yugoslavia themselves can, no doubt, eventually break their will, and reduce them to a point where they will say "enough, we don't want to die any more." At that point, however Pyrrhic the victory, Clinton and his buddies [buschman, etc] will no doubt stand up and declare a triumphant precedent for benign internationalist intervention. Perhaps that moment will soon be at hand, although given the Clinton incompetence in foreign affairs generally, one would think that Milosevic stands a good chance of pulling a "Hussein" and manipulating diplomacy in ways he can't manipulate NATO airplanes high overhead.

But whatever kind of "victory" Bill Clinton claims, I think that the rest of us ought to hang our heads in shame. The NATO campaign has followed a strategy that we know to be wrong and deeply immoral. The moral norms that as a decent and civilized people we have worked to establish condemn a strategy that aims to break and destroy the civilian people of a country in order to achieve political objectives. The classic definition of terrorism is the use of force against civilians in order to get them to do your bidding as a result of the terror induced in their hearts. And we have been practicing a strategy based on just such a use of force.

Of course, the official spokesmen for our policy have been careful to avoid stating directly what our strategy has been. That has been left to Clinton proxies, like Senator Lieberman, who have been making unofficial, and more truthful, statements of what we are up to. Here are some of the things he has said in recent weeks: "I hope it doesn't take ground troops to win, because I hope the air campaign, even if it does not convince Milosevic to order his troops out of Kosovo, will so devastate his economy, which it is doing now, so ruin the lives of his people, that they will rise up and throw him out."

Senator Lieberman has characterized our effort as intending to "bring the war in Kosovo home to the people, the civilians, in Belgrade, so that they pressure Milosevic to break," and he has admitted that, contrary to what one might expect from the usual distinction between combatants and non-combatants, we are in fact trying to make life miserable for ordinary Serbs. "That's what we have been doing for the last couple of months. We're not only hitting military targets. Otherwise, why would we be cutting off the water supply and knocking out the power stations, turning the lights off? We are trying, through the air campaign, to break the will of the Serbian people, so they will force their leader to break his will, to then order the troops -- his troops -- out of Kosovo. You can't get troops on the ground out of someplace from the air. And so we are trying to carry on essentially a test of wills, trying to break his will. ..."

So our policy has been to make war on a civilian population so that they will produce a political change in their country. Any of the official spokesmen of our military would publicly deny this objective. They would deny it because Americans have long declared that targeting civilians in war is deeply immoral and violates the fundamental norms and conventions of civilized warfare. We have consistently believed that it is barbaric to conduct a war aimed at harming a civilian population. This has been our established standard of moral decency. But if we adopt the Lieberman view of war, then there is suddenly no difference between the American people and the wicked forces that we have fought and defeated throughout the hot and cold wars of the 20th century. Those who realize how precious that difference has been should be deeply anguished as we watch the conscience of the American people being deadened by our complicity in the Yugoslavian war.

But perhaps our national conscience will be saved by the humanitarian sentiments in which this war has been sloppily draped? Aren't we doing it for the sake of the Kosovars, and doesn't that make it all right? We should remember that the evil enemies we fought in this century did not consider themselves to be evil any more than we do now. They too told themselves that they were fighting for wonderful and noble goals, and that they just had to do certain terrible things in order to achieve those goals.

The real evil in them was their acceptance of the principle that the end justifies the means. This is how most human beings, in fact, are introduced to evil. They are not pushed into evil by a strong desire to do wicked things, but by people who persuade them that evil is necessary to achieve some greater good, and that the good justifies the evil. And this is what has happened to us with the war in Kosovo.

If we accept the principle that no rules govern the conduct of any war effort as long as its ends are themselves believed to be justified, then distinctions that have been very important in our policy over the last several decades cease to be tenable. Consider in particular the stand we have taken on terrorism during that period, and against governments that are willing to support, aid and abet terrorist organizations. Terrorism is a form of war, and it is one likely to be taken up by those without nuclear weapons, multi-billion dollar economies, and other such things.

Typically, the terrorist "combatants" will be disadvantaged in the conventional assets of war and consider themselves to be oppressed by countries they regard as affluent and powerful. They therefore seek to stop this oppression by disrupting the oppressive country through inducing fear and terror amongst the civilian population. The terrorist goal is to use fear to force civilians to put pressure on their government to change those policies to which the terrorists object. This is the overall rationale behind much of the global terrorism practiced by various groups over the past few decades -- some of them mere rogue networks, others more determinately connected to sponsoring states.

The American position has been that the approach to war that targets civilian populations, producing terror aimed at accomplishing political goals, is terrorism, and is deeply morally objectionable. We have proscribed various nations from regular relations with the United States because of their participation in such acts of terrorism. But if the Lieberman account of our strategy in Yugoslavia reflects our new national view, then we are saying that it is justified to adopt a strategy aiming to terrorize a civilian population in order to attain political goals. We will be abandoning the notion that there are norms and rules which put terrorism beyond the pale. We will instead be saying that terrorism is morally acceptable so long as it is practiced by us, but that it remains bad when practiced by others. The message we are sending is that as long as we think what we are doing is right, anything goes.

But how many terrorists believe what they are doing is wrong? Generally speaking, they are very self-righteous people convinced what they are doing is right and necessary in order to deal with injustices perpetrated somehow against groups or causes that they consider important.

In fact, terrorism is usually adopted by the weaker against the stronger, and the United States is usually stronger than its opponents. So the stand we are taking is very likely to reduce our ability to create effective coalitions in the world against terrorist activities, and to police those activities so as to safeguard our people and others in the world. We are also, of course, offering additional moral encouragement to terrorists themselves, who must be emboldened when they reflect that they are just doing what big countries do, even if they have to deliver their bombs manually instead of in fancy aircraft.

So the fruit of the NATO aggression will be a world in which we have dismissed or forgotten all of the high-minded talk of the post-war era supposedly aimed at establishing norms of decency and conscience -- even with respect to the awful business of war. But this should break our hearts, because it means that all the tragedies and horrors we have gone through in this century, and the high principles that we have offered the world in explanation for the sacrifices we have made, will have been thrown away to follow Bill Clinton in reestablishing the barbaric concepts of warfare and policy we said we were fighting against.

This deadening of conscience has its roots in our willingness to tolerate, even foster, a culture of death and mayhem right here at home. We have turned our backs on fundamental principles of truth with respect to our moral obligation toward innocent and defenseless human life. The same mentality that says, "It's OK to bomb 'em back to the Stone Age because it will achieve our war objectives" can be heard saying that we should do research on human embryos because we can achieve great medical benefits. Present both in the war in Yugoslavia and the war on the unborn is the same dead conscience, the same willingness to act as if there were no governing moral principles that must override our profiteering, materialistic interests, or our war aims, or whatever else may tempt us.

The evil of our effort in Kosovo is the working out of consequences of deeper evils in our national life and conscience. We should keep in mind that Tony Blair and Bill Clinton have said that the NATO action in Yugoslavia is just the beginning. They view this war as a precedent for a new internationalism, and expect similar interventions to happen regularly. So while they will no doubt give us a little breather before pushing us into some other perverse adventure, we will eventually taste the bitter fruit the precedent the Kosovo war represents. Our "victory" in Yugoslavia, should it occur, will be worse than hollow -- it will be ripe with the seeds of greater evil to come, now that America has begun to teach the world that the end justifies the means.

Former Reagan administration official Alan Keyes, was U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Social and Economic Council and 2000 Republican presidential candidate.



To: Oeconomicus who wrote (133853)10/29/2001 6:48:53 PM
From: craig crawford  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 164684
 
Globalism's police force
worldnetdaily.com

Last weekend's NATO summit in Washington was a watershed in the long struggle to preserve our precious national sovereignty and our constitutional order.

To begin with, in the NATO war on Yugoslavia, the important constitutional check that the American people are supposed to have on the power of the chief executive to lead us into war is being utterly disregarded. We are waging a war against Yugoslavia that has not been declared by the Congress.

But beyond President Clinton's failure to respect his constitutional duty to seek a declaration of war if he is to fight one, the NATO summit raises another concern about the erosion of our system of self-government.

NATO attacked Yugoslavia, although unprovoked by any attack or military threat from Yugoslavia. This means that there was no rationale in a formal sense under the NATO treaty for the action that was taken, because NATO's treaty is a defensive arrangement, and in fact explicitly excludes offensive action by the members.

What does this have to do with American sovereignty and constitutional self-government? Well, in America, treaties are supposed to be ratified by the Senate of the United States. And when the Senate ratifies a treaty, it does so, I presume, according to its terms. That is to say, the Senate doesn't ratify a treaty and then hand it to the president as a blank check, saying "we have now ratified this treaty, and any time that you want to make any changes in it, even going beyond anything that is in the original treaty, we give you a blank check to do so without coming to us again." If they did this, of course, the president could use any treaty as a blank piece of paper on which to write and rewrite any terms he liked -- turning it from a specific treaty with specific terms into an unlimited blank check to become whatever treaty he feels it should be, without again consulting Congress.

If that is what ratifying a treaty means, then the Senate's power to ratify treaties is useless, and the ratification of any treaty simply hands to the executive the power to do in foreign policy anything he pleases without again consulting the people. This would be an extremely dangerous concentration of unchecked power in the hands of the executive. Bill Clinton is acting as if he has such power.

The discussions at the NATO summit were about rewriting the purpose of the organization. NATO is an alliance that came into being for defensive purposes, in order to bring together a set of countries that were faced with the threat from the Soviet Union and the communist ideology, and the possibility of the overrunning of Europe by that ideology. The NATO countries came together on that basis, and wrote a treaty that was defensive in nature.

The treaty specifically did not commit the United States to join with these countries in offensive action. This was because, at the time, a number of the European countries still had colonial empires, and they were still wont to engage in wars that arose from their efforts to maintain them. So one of the reasons that the NATO alliance was explicitly defensive, and did not commit us to join in offensive wars with our partners in the alliance, is that Americans at that time did not want us to become involved in wars that were necessary to enforce and maintain European colonial power in various parts of the world. We had better sense than that.

Now, however, President Clinton and his socialist soul-mate, Tony Blair, are rewriting the NATO mandate in order to turn the alliance into an instrument for offensive police action on various grounds, having to do with terrorism, and drugs, and ethnic cleansing, and human rights violations -- and pretty much anything else they want to throw in. Any issue they can make plausible -- or, by showing our people the right video clips, emotionally evocative -- will now be a pretext for mobilizing the military forces of NATO (read: "the military forces of the United States") in pursuit of their agenda, implicating us in whatever scheme of European ambition they might want to concoct.

Imagine what would happen if Bill Clinton put such a treaty before the Senate of the United States -- and thus the people of this country -- for ratification. He would be proposing that we turn over control of our involvement in war and peace internationally to an assemblage of folks who could be driven by ambitions that have never been a part of the American agenda, such as colonial domination and now, perhaps, the imposition of globalist, bureaucratic, socialist government. If he put that treaty before us and said, "Are you willing to turn over to this body the power to send your sons and daughters to war, so that we may find ourselves involved, on all these various pretexts, in offensive wars aimed at imposing NATO's domination on various countries in the world?" what do you think the people, through their representatives, would say?

They would say, "Mr. President, Americans don't go to war for the kinds of reasons that the clique you want to turn us over to does." And this verdict would be correct. We have been a people, by and large, who confined our appetite for war to occasions of necessity. If it is necessary to defend ourselves, our interest, our basic beliefs and principles, against assaults that are determined and organized, and threatening to our survival, then we do so. And that makes perfect sense.

But does it make sense to involve us in an obligation that will be determined by the ill-defined agendas and ambitions of a gaggle of countries that have been unhappily notorious for the use of force in pursuit of domination and schemes of imperialism and colonialism? Should this now be the American agenda? I don't think so.

The process that took place over the last several weeks substantively rewrites the terms of the NATO alliance. It turns it from an alliance for defensive purposes into an ad hoc cooperative that could easily lead the United States into war on a whole range of pretexts that have nothing to do with a clear understanding of our vital interests, our safety, our security. It is a major watershed. When the NATO leaders say that it is a change, they are right. It is a major change. It is such a profound change in the nature of this alliance that it is constitutionally impossible for the president to justify it without again consulting the Senate of the United States. And yet this change is being made by fiat of the president without ever again having consulted the representatives of the people.

What are the implications of the NATO re-founding and the manner in which it is being accomplished? Apart from the wars the new arrangement will likely lead us into, the dictatorial action of President Clinton in spurning the role of the Senate is itself deeply damaging to our constitutional balance. So many people seem blind to the fact that the chief danger America faces is not the war against Yugoslavia itself. The chief threat to us is the war against the very idea of nationhood and the nation state, being waged on behalf of a vague notion of international sovereignty which involves, first and foremost, surrender of their national sovereignty by the people of the United States. That surrender is what Americans are chiefly doing in this war. I believe it is why we have been led into the war.

It is not Yugoslavian sovereignty alone that is being attacked. Our own sovereignty is being surrendered utterly in this matter. And proving it is as simple as listening to the words of our leaders. Senator Lott said the following last Sunday:

"There is concern about how we got into this situation, but now we are in it. And we are Americans, and we are part of NATO. The NATO meeting that has been going on in Washington has been a very positive event. I have met with a lot of the leaders from around the world. I spent almost two hours with Prime Minister Tony Blair. We need to be a part of that effort. But it is interesting to note that while all the NATO countries agree, it is the United States that is doing the job."

Trent Lott acknowledges that it is our resources, troops and money -- American blood and treasure -- that are on the line. He acknowledges that there is in fact some question about how we got involved in the war. But he concludes that we have to do what NATO tells us, even though our troops and resources are being used, and however we got involved. He in effect points to our abdication of sovereignty and control, says we must accept it simply because we are already involved, and seems utterly and purposefully oblivious to the terms of the Constitution, which make clear that the executive can commit us to any war he likes, but we don't have to approve it or prosecute it. The Congress, which has the exclusive prerogative to declare war, can say "no."

So here we have a Republican leader sitting by while the Constitution is destroyed, and while our sovereignty is handed off to some conglomerate of countries in NATO to serve God knows what ambition on the part of these globalists. (We can't call them "internationalists," because there is no international arena if there aren't nations any more.) These are people aiming to establish a global sovereignty, and to destroy the nation state. And what we should see above all in that is that they intend, therefore, to destroy our Constitution.

Much like Hitler laying out his strategy in Mein Kampf and then having none of the people who might have stopped him pay any attention, Bill Clinton declared himself in his first inaugural address to be a globalist who intended to establish global sovereignty through his abuse of the office of the president, and nobody paid attention.

NATO seems to be the preferred instrument for the establishment of this global sovereignty, because if the United Nations were explicitly identified as the new global sovereign, the American people would rise up in arms. Clinton and his allies think they will slip the change past us by using NATO instead. But the ultimate objective is the establishment of U.N. sovereignty. Even regarding Kosovo, the only plan that NATO political leaders have said might be acceptable involves the establishment of direct United Nations administration in Kosovo. They are using the NATO label as cover for this ultimate globalist objective. Kosovo is to be the beachhead of United Nations sovereignty -- the first territory under its official sovereign control.

Conservatives and Republicans should be asking themselves why so many who seek to represent them are supporting a globalist war, with a globalist objective, the ultimate result of which will be the destruction of the United States Constitution. Why are Elizabeth Dole and George W. Bush and Senator McCain, and all the rest of them, supporting this agenda? They wear the label of Republican, but the label lies. They are not Republicans, and they are not conservative. They are globalists of the same stripe as Bill Clinton.

Right now they are strongly supporting a policy that involves the direct abdication of our sovereign control of our means of defense -- and what could be more vital to us than that?

I hope we will be able to awaken those Americans particularly who are in the Republican Party and conservative ranks to the true nature of this war. Clinton, Blair and the rest have put a false humanitarian face on it, but under the phony mask of humanitarianism is the reality of a globalist objective -- the establishment of global sovereignty in derogation of our national sovereignty and to the destruction of the Constitution.

If we want to live under the system of self-government the Constitution provides, then we have to defend against this assault -- the abdication of our national sovereignty involved in this undeclared and illegitimate war.

Former Reagan administration official Alan Keyes, was U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Social and Economic Council and 2000 Republican presidential candidate.