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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: tekboy who wrote (8223)10/30/2001 1:59:03 PM
From: Maurice Winn  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Tekuboi-san,

From the sidelines.

<...Even nation-building is being dusted off as a requirement in some instances. President George W. Bush’s call for the United Nations to lead such an effort in Afghanistan once the military campaign is over stands in stark contrast to the abandonment of that country after the Soviet occupation was repulsed in the 1990s.

The time may have come, as well, for the United States to reconsider whether the close relations it maintains with repressive authoritarian regimes to assure regional stability in the short term truly serve its interests in the long term. In the Arab world in particular, populations that are experiencing explosive growth and high levels of unemployment are effectively being abandoned by inefficient, corrupt, and repressive regimes. Seeing little alternative, many answer the call of radical Islamist movements. For its own safety and stability, accordingly, the United States should consider pressing for the gradual opening of political and economic spaces to allow the people of this region to partake of the fruits of modernity and not just its toxins...
>

It seems that James Hoge Junior and Gideon Rose have got the right idea.

I am feeling optimistic!

Now, let's see some serious Colinisation by Colin and Condominiums by Condoleezza.

We all know it's a small world after all, so let's revamp the United Nations into a sensible Federal System with a new constitution, perhaps along the lines of the USA or Europe or something new, so individual nations can paddle their own waka to their own rhythm, but the scourges of war and terrorism lose their foundations.

It's silly that Vanuatu has the same vote as India or China. There are plenty of potential Presidents of the UN. Gorby, Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Koffi, Maggie and other ex-national leaders could be recycled and they'd love to do it. There could be a world-scale popularity contest; every politician's dream.

That's much better than icky war and being blown up in terrorist attacks in parochial nationalistic fervour.

I bet you agree with me NOW that there are no sidelines. We're all in this together. Good article tb. Thanks.

Mqurice

Note... waka is a Maori canoe, but the concept has expanded to include way of being. vuw.ac.nz

There is a picture of a suitable meeting house for the signing of a UN Treaty of Waitangi - an international meeting of the people and their chiefs. <Te Tumu Herenga Waka (the hitching post of all the canoes) and is located behind 46, 44 and 42 Kelburn Parade.>

That's in Helengrad [Wellington] in Kiwiland, [also called The Sheople's Republic of Aotearoa or New Zealand or New Freeland].

You will all be welcome.



To: tekboy who wrote (8223)10/30/2001 4:07:53 PM
From: FaultLine  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
How Did this Happen?

[Thread, we've seen a few of these folks in our readings haven't we. --fl]

CONTRIBUTORS INCLUDE
Fouad Ajami
Karen Armstrong
Martin N. Baily
Milton Bearden
Samuel R. Berger
Richard K. Betts
Richard Butler
Wesley K. Clark
Michael Scott Doran
Gregg Easterbrook
Stephen E. Flynn
Laurie Garrett
F. Gregory Gause III
Brian M. Jenkins
Walter Laqueur
Anatol Lieven
Michael Mandelbaum
Rajan Menon
Joseph S. Nye, Jr.
William J. Perry
Mona Sutphen
William F. Wechsler
Alan Wolfe
Fareed Zakaria



To: tekboy who wrote (8223)7/4/2003 9:51:49 PM
From: Win Smith  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
The Labyrinthine Morass of Spying in the Cold War nytimes.com

[ Review of THE MAIN ENEMY: The Inside Story of the C.I.A.'s Final Showdown With the K.G.B.. By Milt Bearden and James Risen . Bearden was one of the authors in that vintage FA compilation. The reviewer, James Bamford, is of course fairly famous in his own right. Seems they suffer from a common affliction, they can't quite get themselves to be properly worshipful of Rummy and his titular boss either. Maybe they're "liberals" or something. Review quoted in full. ]

On a warm May afternoon in 1989 a pair of wire cutters sliced through the first link in a rusty, barb-encrusted fence separating Hungary from Austria. For more than four decades the cold war had threatened the world with nuclear annihilation. Now, instead, the war was ending with a simple metallic snap.

In 1946 the erection of the fearsome barrier had inspired Winston Churchill's famous warning that "an iron curtain has descended across the Continent." But by the end of the 1980's Hungary had decided that enough was enough; Communism had failed; it was time to lower the curtain. Soon a tidal wave of freedom-seekers from across Eastern Europe began pouring across the border, and within months it would sweep across East Germany and topple the Berlin Wall. The Soviet Union would follow a few years later.

As chief of the Central Intelligence Agency's Soviet Division, Milt Bearden had a unique perch from which to watch the end come. And in "The Main Enemy," his memoir written with James Risen, a reporter for The New York Times, he lays it all out.

Writing in diary style from June 13, 1985, to Dec. 31, 1991, Mr. Bearden begins with the tragic capture by Soviet agents of one of the C.I.A.'s most valuable Russian moles, Adolf Tolkachev, the first of many. It ends with a spirited New Year's Eve celebration at C.I.A. headquarters, where everyone sports a campaign-style button containing a Soviet hammer and sickle and the words "The Party's Over." In between is a fascinating look at two wars — the external one between the Soviet and American spies, and the internal one between the old-line and new-school C.I.A. bureaucrats.

While it is clear that the United States won the cold war, the Soviet K.G.B. certainly won the spy war. By the mid-1980's most of the dozen or so Russian spies the C.I.A. had in place in the Soviet Union, including Tolkachev, had been compromised by turncoat Americans like the C.I.A. officer Aldrich Ames and Robert Hanssen of the F.B.I. And while the K.G.B. had these senior American intelligence officers — and many more — secretly working for them, the C.I.A. was overjoyed to recruit a Russian fighter pilot to diagram his plane. "The harsh truth was that we didn't have any spies in place who could give us much insight into the plans of the East German government," Mr. Bearden writes, "or, for that matter, the intentions of the Soviet leadership in the Kremlin."

Many of the most promising prospects the C.I.A. was able to recruit turned out to be Soviet plants, some discovered only after years of expensive and painstaking debriefing. When a new agency station chief arrived in East Berlin in 1988 to begin his assignment, says Mr. Bearden, "the C.I.A. had no agents inside the internal security apparatus" of its foreign intelligence arm. "It wasn't for lack of trying. But every one of the men who seemed ready to change sides turned out to be a double agent; the C.I.A. had had no luck in recruiting even the dullest functionaries."

The agency's luck changed when the Soviet bloc collapsed and Mr. Bearden was flooded with more former K.G.B. agents than he could handle. Because each defector cost American taxpayers about $1 million in relocation expenses, and because Mr. Bearden said that he felt the information coming from these low- and middle-level officials was not worth it, he sent word to the field to become far more selective. "I had been assured in each case that the most recent defector had been a `gold mine' of counterintelligence," he writes, "but the claims never lived up to the hype."

The slowdown in recruitment led to a rebellion by many of the agency's old-line officers, who accused Mr. Bearden of going dangerously soft on "the main enemy." But Mr. Bearden believed that it was time for the C.I.A. to begin changing direction and focusing on new targets and new ways of doing business. "I saw the collapse of the Soviet empire as a moment that called for new ideas," he says. "On the one hand, we needed all the policy-relevant intelligence we could get, but on the other, we were beginning to find common ground with the Soviets on issues such as international terrorism, narcotics and control of their arsenal of tens of thousands of nuclear warheads. We were making the first steps toward cooperation in these areas, and we needed to change the way we dealt with the Soviets."

As the Sept. 11 attacks showed, the changes did not come fast enough.

Mr. Bearden is critical of the current Bush administration's war in Afghanistan, comparing it to Soviet operations there in 1984. "Crisp military briefers giving cheerily optimistic but unconvincing accounts of a beaten enemy, of high enemy body counts," he says, "but again without the bodies." Here he also writes from a unique perspective, having run the C.I.A.'s secret war against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980's. Additionally, he blames the Bush administration and its allies for "the continued failure . . . to make good on the pledges of massive reconstruction assistance — more than $4 billion pledged but undelivered." It is comparable, he says, to "the reduction of tribute paid by the 19th-century British to the tribal chiefs."

Failure in Afghanistan, Mr. Bearden warns, "could allow the country to become a haven for international terrorists once again." Although his book was completed before the recent war in Iraq, the same warning might apply to that conflict. As many conclude that Saddam Hussein was more interested in palaces of vast expense than in weapons of mass destruction, the Bush administration may have replaced a paper tiger with a new generation of vengeful terrorists.