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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (1181)11/27/2001 12:29:37 PM
From: Patricia Trinchero  Read Replies (5) | Respond to of 15516
 
HUFFINGTON: Girl Power Comes to Afghanistan
Arianna Huffington, AlterNet
November 26, 2001

I have a girl-power double feature playing in my head right now. On one screen of my mental multiplex is the larger-than-life face of Hermione Granger, Harry Potter's fearless, brilliant, passionate and dedicated partner in his battle against evil -- perfectly portrayed in the new movie by young actress Emma Watson.

On the other screen are the faces of equally fearless but even more heroic Afghan women who have been battling against real-life villains whose savagery would tax even J.K. Rowling's fertile imagination. Women like Soheila Helal, a teacher who defied the Taliban -- and risked her life -- by operating a clandestine school for girls; Kobra Zeithi, a pharmacologist turned activist who was imprisoned for the crime of traveling to Pakistan to pick up educational materials; and Weeda Mansoor and Tahmeena Faryal, who have tirelessly spoken out against the atrocities of the Taliban as members of RAWA, the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan.

Harry Potter is smart enough to seek Hermione's indispensable assistance in his climactic clash with Lord Voldemort. It remains to be seen if the eventual victors in Afghanistan will behave as sensibly. If they don't, they may not stay victorious for very long. For peace and justice will never prevail unless women are allowed into the tent of the new government.

Of course, Hermione is not your average 11-year-old girl. Besides being a bang-up wizard, the brightest student at Hogwarts, and a powerful female role model, she is also a modern manifestation of an ancient archetype, embodied by Athena, the Greek goddess of wisdom and war. By following Athena's lead -- and now Hermione's -- women, both young and old, can learn to weave together strength and vulnerability, passion and discipline, intellect and imagination, and breathe humanity and mercy into the masculine order. Which is what so many Afghan women have done against all odds.

Besides "Harry Potter," this month has seen the launch of another marketing campaign, one with slightly less-spectacular success -- a massive public relations effort designed to link the fight against terrorism with, as Laura Bush put it, the "fight for the rights and dignity of women." Good for the First Lady, who kicked off the campaign by borrowing her husband's weekly radio address. But Mrs. Bush is hardly going out on a political limb by condemning the treatment of women under the Taliban. Since no one can really disagree, her denunciation should be merely the starting point.

Nor is it enough for Condoleezza Rice to say, as she did on "Meet the Press," that "our principles are that all Afghans deserve a far better life than they've had under the Taliban, and our principles include that women should have rights and women should have a rightful role in the life of the country."

But what is a "rightful role"? Giving birth? Cooking samboosak? This is not a time for diplomatic ambiguity. The administration needs to make it clear that this "rightful role" must include participating in Afghanistan's new government. Before the fighting that has rocked the country for the last two decades, women played an essential role in Afghan society, accounting for 70 percent of the country's teachers, 50 percent of its civil servants, and 40 percent of its doctors.

"There is a window of great opportunity now," Peter Tomsen, former U.S. special envoy and ambassador to the Afghan resistance, told me. "But the political terrain is treacherous. And if the international community, led by the United States, is not careful, the vacuum will be filled with yet another brutal regime with no interest in power sharing -- as happened in the early '90s with Burhanuddin Rabbani clinging to power."

Rabbani, the Northern Alliance's titular leader, is a fundamentalist zealot with a bloodstained record. During his four years as president of Afghanistan, from 1992 until 1996, the forces now making up the Alliance used systematic rape, abduction, enslavement and murder to effect the complete and utter humiliation of Afghan women. "The Northern Alliance is nothing more than the Taliban without beards," says RAWA's Mansoor. "They are dogs of the same field."

A U.N.-brokered meeting of Afghan opposition groups, involving at least a dozen separate factions, is scheduled for Monday in Berlin. It is imperative that both these delegations and the interim Afghan government include women -- not only because this is the right thing to do but because there is no better indicator of how welcoming a country will be to terrorists than how it treats its women. As Laura Bush put it: "The brutal oppression of women is a central goal of the terrorist."

Evil is hard to defeat, even in the magical realm of Hogwarts. It would have been ill-advised for Harry Potter to enter the deadly dungeon without Hermione -- and her vast knowledge of potions, herbology and the history of wizards -- by his side. It will be equally foolhardy to move forward in the war against terrorism, and the hard work of rebuilding a country, if more than half of the population of Afghanistan is not allowed to join the battle.



To: Mephisto who wrote (1181)12/17/2001 11:40:45 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
The President's Papers Are the People's Business

By Steven L. Hensen

Sunday, December 16, 2001; Page B01
The Washington Post

How can a democratic people have confidence in elected officials who hide the records
of their actions from public view?


On Nov. 1, with no announcement, President Bush signed Executive Order 13233,
overriding the 1978 Presidential Records Act, which provides that a
president's papers will be made available to the public 12 years after he leaves office.
Bush's new order gives the White House, as well as former presidents, the
right to veto this release of documents, thereby taking the responsibility for administering
presidential papers away from the archivist of the United States. By
forcing citizens to go to court to obtain the right to view an administration's records,
the order effectively blocks access to information that enables Americans to
hold our presidents accountable for their actions.

Almost immediately after Bush signed the order, a remarkably bipartisan group
of Republicans and Democrats, liberals and conservatives, expressed everything
from dismay to outrage. In addition, a group including historians, journalists and
civic activists filed suit to block implementation of this order.

In the middle of the fray are professional archivists. Those of us who labor in the
nation's archives are entrusted with ensuring that citizens and scholars have access
to the records of human society and culture,as well as to the important records of our
government.

The guarantee of such access is a cornerstone of the Constitution and of democracy
in general. As the current president of North America's largest archival professional society,
I speak for many of my colleagues when I say that the White House is on the wrong
side of this battle.


Bush's executive order is titled "Further Implementation of the Presidential Records Act."
But rather than "implementing" that law, the order abrogates the core
principles of the act and violates both its spirit and letter.

The Presidential Records Act was created out of the legal morass surrounding
the Watergate scandals and legitimate congressional fears that former president
Nixon would never allow public access to the records of his administration.
The legislation established once and for all -- or so we thought -- the principle that
presidential papers represent the official records of activity by the highest office in
our government of, by, and for the people -- and that they therefore belong to
the U.S. government and, by extension, its citizens.

The act further mandates that management of, custody of and access to such records
should be governed on behalf of the nation by the archivist of the United States.

Some of the bases for this law can be found in earlier discussions by scholars and archivists.
Julian Boyd, editor of "The Papers of Thomas Jefferson," had made
the point as early as 1960 that "the records of the office of the President belong to the people
who created that office. They cannot be given away by one who happens to be its incumbent."
He also rejected the notion that "the privilege of the President follows a man into retirement as
a personal right to be exercised by himself for the duration of his natural life and then to be descendable
to his executors and heirs."


In his authoritative 1969 book, "Records of a Nation," the distinguished archivist H.G. Jones
noted that, among modern presidents, Franklin D. Roosevelt had clearly established the peoples'
claim to ownership of their chief executives' files and had stated that "the prerogative assumed
by his predecessors in asserting private title was in fact only a lingering vestige of the attributes
of monarchy, not an appropriate or compatible concept of archival policy for the head of a
democratic state to adopt."

Executive Order 13233 directly subverts the intent of the Presidential Records Act by
placing ultimate responsibility for decisions regarding access to presidential
papers not only with President Bush, but with any sitting president in the future,
as well as every ex-president, and, even further, the family members and heirs of
former presidents, apparently without limit.

Administration officials have acknowledged that the new order is intended to prevent
the release of records from the Reagan administration, which the White
House has been delaying by various means since January.

This has led to speculation that the administration is trying to shield members of Bush's own
administration, as well as his father, from a variety of uncomfortable revelations,
including possible connections to the Iran-contra scandal. But it should be noted
that this executive order also fits a pattern suggesting that the Bush administration may be
hostile to the basic ideals that the public has a right to know what its
elected officials are doing, and that the records of government are in fact owned by the people.

Last January,Bush, as outgoing governor of Texas, shipped his official records
to his father's presidential library at Texas A&M University. By doing so, he
succeeded in removing his gubernatorial papers not only from the custody of the Texas State
Library and Archives, but also, possibly, from the ownership,
oversight and right of access of the people of Texas.

The Texas archives law does permit the designation of "an institution of higher learning
or alternate archival institution" as the repository for gubernatorial records (the records of former
governor John Connally, for instance, are at the Lyndon B. Johnson presidential
library, and those of Bill Clement are at Texas A&M). But the bill requires that any governor seeking
to place his records elsewhere consult fully with the Texas State Library and Archives
Commission to develop clear policies regarding processing of and access to the records.
While there was some preliminary consultation over Bush's papers, no final agreement was reached.
The records were simply packed up and shipped off -- to the great surprise of many, including
officials at the Bush presidential library.

Under no circumstance does the Texas bill permit the transfer of the
records' "ownership" from the people of Texas to any other entity. The Connally and Clement
records, though not technically in the archives, are still administered according to Texas records law.
But the confusion likely to reign over the question of who "owns" the Bush gubernatorial records
may be sufficient to keep them out of public sight until well after the conclusion of George W.'s presidency.
In the meantime, requests from journalists, historians or others to view the documents could be delayed indefinitely, denying the public potentially valuable insight into how Bush's policies as Texas governor
on matters from energy to the death penalty may be informing current decisions.


And there's more. On Oct. 16, Attorney General John ASHCROFT issued a memorandum
telling federal agencies that when they decide to withhold records in response toFreedom
of Information (FOIA) requests, they can "be assured" that the Department of Justice will
defend their decisions. The memorandum supersedes a 1993 directive by then-Attorney
General Janet Reno, directing federal agencies to resolve ambiguous situations in favor
of openness. Though Ashcroft's memo suggested that the present reversal on FOIA requests
was necessary for protecting "national security, enhancing the effectiveness of our law
enforcement agencies, protecting sensitive business information and, not least, preserving
personal privacy," the fact is that these categories of information are
already exempted from release under our freedom of information laws.

Like Bush's executive order, Ashcroft's FOIA memorandum has the effect of limiting our
ability as citizens to know what our government is doing, and why.


There is lingering uncertainty over the extent to which an executive order can trump or override
statutory law. This is a matter Congress will have to decide. So far,
Congress has held only one inconclusive hearing on Executive Order 13233.It needs
to do far more. Access to the vital historical records of this nation should not
be governed by executive will; this is exactly the situation that the existing law was created to prevent.

Furthermore, for such access to be curtailed or nullified by an executive process not
subject to public or legislative review or scrutiny violates the principles upon which our nation
was founded.

Engaged as we currently are in a struggle against terrorism and totalitarianism, it does us no credit
to adopt policies that reflect the principles of our enemies more than they do our own democratic
traditions. Bush should demonstrate the values and openness of our government and of his
administration by canceling this order and directing the attorney general to revoke his memorandum.
It shouldn't have to take legal proceedings, congressional action or public pressure for Bush to come
to the understanding that the president's papers are not in fact the president's papers,
but rather the records of the people's presidency.


Steven Hensen, director of planning and project development at Duke University's Rare Book,
Manuscripts and Special Collections Library, is president of the Society of American Archivists.

© 2001 The Washington Post Company