To: Elmer Flugum who wrote (1115 ) 12/8/2001 12:48:12 AM From: Scoobah Respond to of 32591 Bush-tailed, but still bright-eyed The Americans have come out squarely on Israel's side, but Arafat seems determined to persist. Security officials predict a long, bloody struggle ahead. By Amos Harel At the end of a week in which Israel suffered more terror victims than in any similar time span since the bus bombings of the winter of 1996, it is the United States that is supplying the main headline. After months of sitting on the fence, the Bush administration has chosen sides. No longer is it trying to play the impartial mediator, a la former president Bill Clinton. Senior Israeli security officials could hardly believe the series of public appearaances this week by people from the White House and the State Department. For a moment there, President George W. Bush sounded like he was outflanking Prime Minister Ariel Sharon on the right. National Infrastructure Minister Avigdor Lieberman wouldn't have phrased it any differently. Bush spoke in terms of "we" (the U.S. and Israel) and of a common, almost holy, war on terror. Meanwhile, his spokespeople steadfastly refused to condemn the renewed (and so far limited) Israeli incursion into Palestinian-controlled territory. For the Americans, photographs of smiling teenagers taken not long before they were brutally murdered on the Ben-Yehuda pedestrian mall at the end of a birthday party aroused too many fresh associations from the attacks on the Pentagon and the Twin Towers. This week, Yasser Arafat crossed the red line. It wasn't just a question of semantics. Bush's words were backed up by actions. Since mid-week, the U.S. has been putting relentless pressure on the PA Chairman. The special envoy to the region, retired Marine General Anthony Zinni, daily demanded a detailed report from the Palestinians: Who was arrested? Where is he being held? On what charges? And why doesn't the list of arrests overlap more closely with the list of names submitted by Israel? Officials from army intelligence and the Shin Bet noted with satisfaction that Zinni, clearly shocked by his visit to the site of the Jerusalem suicide bombing, had completely lost patience with Arafat's web of lies. President Bush added a move of his own: The announcement of the freezing of Hamas assets in the U.S. is important, says an Israeli security official, but even more important is the way in which it was done. When the president himself comes out of the White House and makes a speech about Hamas, which seeks to destroy Israel, the U.S. is practically declaring war on 30 percent of the Palestinian people. Prior to making his statement ("Whoever does business with terror will not do business with the United States"), Bush was given information that had been painstakingly accumulated by the Shin Bet and by Lieutenant Colonel Udi Levy of the anti-terror division, the leading Israeli expert on issues related to how money is funneled to terrorist organizations. The Americans were absolutely convinced. The president's announcement put Arafat in a tricky situation: It will be very difficult for him to maintain national unity with Hamas, an organization now defined by the U.S. as its enemy. Israel interpreted the American support as meaning it had broader room to maneuver militarily, and it used this freedom primarily to execute numerous air strikes, including some on targets closely identified with Arafat himself (the heliport in Gaza, the runway at the Rafiah airport, his office in Jenin). The air strikes were preceded by a debate: Some in the defense establishment felt it would be better to delay them in order to see whether the government's more combative new line was having any effect on Arafat. Sharon and Defense Minister Benjamin Ben-Eliezer decided in favor of an immediate assault. This time, the military operation, which also included ground incursions into Area A to surround four cities in the West Bank (Jenin, Nablus, Tul Karm and Ramallah), encountered little Palestinian resistance.