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Non-Tech : The ENRON Scandal -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Patricia Trinchero who wrote (125)1/11/2002 4:27:47 PM
From: Charles Tutt  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 
I think Bush is in a tight spot. If he just throws Ken Lay to the wolves, other supporters in the business community might begin to wonder whether he's a fair weather friend.

JMHO.

Charles Tutt (TM)



To: Patricia Trinchero who wrote (125)1/12/2002 2:05:56 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 5185
 
Bush, aides knew of Enron troubles

"Why, Waxman asked, did the administration fail to
act despite having advance knowledge of the largest
bankruptcy filing in history?

''The White House had knowledge that Enron was likely to
collapse but did nothing to try to protect innocent employees
and shareholders who ultimately lost their life savings,''
Waxman said in a statement. ''I am deeply troubled that the
White House stood by and let this happen to thousands of
families.''


Boston Glove
By Anne E. Kornblut,
Globe Staff, 1/11/2002

WASHINGTON - As legal troubles mounted for energy giant
Enron, White House officials acknowledged yesterday that
Enron chairman Kenneth Lay, a major donor to President
Bush, had called two Bush Cabinet members late last year to
discuss the company's collapsing finances.

White House officials, eager to control the political damage at
the start of a criminal inquiry, said the administration had not
offered assistance after Lay called the Commerce and Treasury
secretaries. Bush, who has known Lay since his years in Texas,
sought to distance himself further, saying he has not talked to
Lay since last spring.

Enron tumbled from the heights of the energy trading market
to junk bond status in a matter of weeks last fall, prompting
investigations into accounting practices that forced the firm to
file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy on Dec. 2. The retirement plans
of thousands of employees, who had invested heavily in
company stock, became worthless. The company was already
facing scrutiny on Capitol Hill, where Democrats accused the
politically connected firm of wielding unfair influence over
national energy policy.

The disclosure about Lay's phone calls gave fresh momentum
to the Democratic effort to investigate Enron's dealings, fast
becoming the biggest potential embarrassment the Bush
administration has faced. Matters grew worse for the Texas
company late yesterday when its auditor, Arthur Andersen
LLP, said a ''significant but undetermined'' number of its
documents and electronic files relating to its auditing of Enron
had disappeared or been destroyed.

Attorney General John Ashcroft, meanwhile, recused himself
from a Justice Department inquiry into Enron announced on
Wednesday. Ashcroft received a $25,000 donation from Lay
and another $25,000 from the company and its employees
during his 2000 reelection bid for US senator from Missouri,
which he subsequently lost. Deputy Attorney General Larry
Thompson has taken over the lead role in the investigation,
Justice Department officials said.

According to a White House spokesman, Lay suggested in a
phone call to Commerce Secretary Donald Evans on Oct. 29
that Enron might follow the example of Long Term Capital
Management, a hedge fund that received a private bailout
arranged by a public reserve board in 1998. But in that case,
LTCM's financial woes were viewed as a threat to the whole
economy; neither Evans nor Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill -
whom Lay spoke with on Oct. 28 and Nov. 8 - felt that Enron
posed such a danger, officials said.

After receiving a report on the matter by Treasury
Undersecretary Peter Fisher, Evans and O'Neill decided that
Enron's impending bankruptcy filing ''was isolated and
unique, and focused on Enron Corp., and was not symptomatic
of anything sector-wide,'' White House press secretary Ari
Fleischer said.

''I want to remind you that communication is not a
wrongdoing,'' Fleischer said, when pressed repeatedly about
the phone calls. ''What took place here was, they received
phone calls and took no action. The charge has been, did the
government take any action. And the answer from these two
officials is no. And I think if you were going to go down this
road, I think it's also fair to say, who in the entire town had
any contact with Enron or phone calls?''

But Representative Henry Waxman, the California Democrat
who for months has pursued information about the
relationship between Bush and Enron, turned the question on
its head. Why, Waxman asked, did the administration fail to
act despite having advance knowledge of the largest
bankruptcy filing in history?

''The White House had knowledge that Enron was likely to
collapse but did nothing to try to protect innocent employees
and shareholders who ultimately lost their life savings,''
Waxman said in a statement. ''I am deeply troubled that the
White House stood by and let this happen to thousands of
families.''


White House officials said Bush learned that Enron was
headed toward bankruptcy court last fall, but that he was not a
part of the decision to steer clear of assisting the firm. Bush
said he had never discussed the company's financial troubles
with Lay.


''I have never discussed, with Mr. Lay, the financial problems of
the company,'' Bush told reporters during a meeting with his
economic team. ''The last time that I saw Mr. Lay was at my
mother's fund-raising event for literacy, in Houston. That
would have been last spring. I do know that Mr. Lay came to
the White House in - early in my administration, along with I
think 20 other business leaders, to discuss the state of the
economy. It was just kind of a general discussion. I have not
met with him personally.''


According to a letter from the White House to Waxman dated
Jan. 3, however, Enron executives met with Vice President
Dick Cheney six times over the past year. Cheney heads the
president's energy task force, and discussed the energy crisis
in California earlier last year with Lay personally.

In response to questions about Enron's questionable
shareholder dealings - which left thousands of former
employees destitute because they were not allowed to dump
their Enron stock as prices fell, yet allowed high-ranking
executives to sell their shares when the prices were still high -
Bush called on O'Neill to review pension rules, possibly in
order to put a limit on how much an employee can invest in a
single company.

In recent days, White House officials have begun to point to
Enron's bipartisan - albeit lopsided - political donations as one
sign that the administration was not alone in its relationship
with the energy trader.

Lay and other Enron employees have been a major source of
contributions for Bush throughout his career; the chairman,
who is based in Texas, was a ''pioneer'' for the Bush 2000
campaign, a designation given to those who raised more than
$100,000 each. Lay gave another $100,000 for the Bush
inaugural and thousands more to pay for the Florida recount.
During his two gubernatorial races, Bush received $122,500
from Lay.

In addition, since the beginning of the last election cycle, in
March 1999, Lay has given $282,910 in unregulated soft
money to the Republican National Committee, on top of the
money he gave Ashcroft. Lay has donated to an array of
candidates in previous years, including giving $1,000 to
then-New Jersey governor Christie Whitman in 1999; $2,000
to Senator Bob Dole in 1996; $1,000 to President George H.W.
Bush; and $1,000 to Mitt Romney, who tried in 1994 to unseat
Senator Edward M. Kennedy. Lay also has given to Democrats,
donating $500 to Representative Edward J. Markey of
Massachusetts in 1996.


According to the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics,
Enron gave more in political donations than any other energy
firm during the 2000 election, contributing more than $2.43
million to candidates and parties; 72 percent of the donations
were to Republicans.


In the current election cycle - during which the company fell
from soaring profit reports to filing for bankruptcy protection -
Enron gave $168,834 in donations, 88 percent of which went
to Republicans.


The ties between Enron and the Bush administration reach
beyond donations. Karl Rove, Bush's chief political strategist,
had more than $100,000 in Enron stock before he agreed to
divest it - and still held onto $68,000 of it while he discussed
the energy business with Lay at the beginning of Bush's term.
Lawrence B. Lindsey, the president's chief economic adviser,
made $50,000 from consulting for Enron in 2000.


Anne E. Kornblut can be reached at akornblut@globe.com.

This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 1/11/2002.
© Copyright 2002 Globe Newspaper Company.

[ Send this story to a friend]



To: Patricia Trinchero who wrote (125)1/12/2002 2:34:04 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 

When I read that Bush tried to blame Enron's collapse on the former governor of Texas, Ann
Richards, I knew W was about to pee in his pants! He's scared!
And he's shows it when he
blames Ms. Richards for Enron's problems. Gosh! She was the Governor of Texas
quite awhile back, wasn't she? And Enron began its collapse last October or November, didn't
it?

Does W believe that we will overlook his family's close ties with Enron? It seems
that he does and that is why he is still a small-town politician who got appointed as President
with the help of Very Important People because he never won the popular vote.



To: Patricia Trinchero who wrote (125)1/12/2002 2:38:06 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 
Your tar and feathers ready? Mine are.
Jan. 10, 2002, 6:23PM
Houston Chronicle

By CRAGG HINES

Ari Fleischer, that simpering twit of a White House spokesman, urged
Thursday that the Enron debacle not be turned into a partisan witch hunt.
OK, Ari, let's make it a bipartisan witch hunt.

But all the news seems so Republican-specific at the moment. You know
they're getting edgy at the White House when both President Bush and
Fleischer -- within about 30 minutes of each other -- try to blame Enron
Chief Executive Officer Ken Lay (the single largest contributor to Bush's
political career) on Ann Richards. Whoever wrote that talking point needs
to be sent to the correspondence pool. It, at least, was not a good day to try
the line.

Let's wade right in on the Justice Department's criminal investigation.
That would be the same Justice Department headed by Attorney General
John Ashcroft,
who it seems was one of many politicians who benefited
from the largesse of Lay, other Enron executives and the company's
political action committee.

In addition to some other contributions sent Ashcroft's way, Lay gave
$25,000 to a political action committee that Ashcroft headed when he was
a U.S. senator from Missouri (before he was defeated in 2000 by a dead
Democrat). Ashcroft recused himself Thursday (and his top Justice aide
followed suit) from the Enron investigation, but only after the contributions
were cited by the Center for Public Integrity.

Fleischer, even before the recusals, did the usual tap dance: "The
president has full faith and confidence in the professional prosecutors of
the Department of Justice and in the attorney general to do what is right.
" Prosecutors, sí; Ashcroft, no.

Now back to Fleischer and the witch hunt. The spokesman's latest whining
came as the Bush administration battled to stay centimeters ahead of the
Enron conflagration (an effort manifested by Bush's announcement of a
federal study of bankruptcies and pensions. Duh.)

And just moments later -- this is rich -- Fleischer himself had to correct
(he'd say "clarify") the record regarding administration contacts with
Enron.

On Wednesday, Fleischer said he was "not aware of anyone in the White
House" who discussed Enron's troubles with company executives. (That's to
separate company-specific contacts from Enron's six meetings over the last
year with the office of Vice President Dick Cheney about supposedly
strictly energy-biz stuff. The veep's staff finally disclosed those sessions to
Congress this week.)

Unless you take a narrow, quibbling (Nixonian? Clintonian?) view of what
constitutes "the White House," Ari's knowledge was severely limited about
administration contacts.

As it turns out, and as Fleischer disclosed Thursday, two Cabinet
secretaries -- Paul O'Neill at Treasury and Donald Evans at Commerce --
were telephoned last fall by Lay about the coming implosion.

Fleischer said Lay told O'Neill about Enron's impending bankruptcy and
"wanted the secretary to be aware so that the Long Term Capital
experience could be a guide."

What is Fleischer telling us? That Lay was looking for a bailout, such as
the one Long Term Capital Management got in the 1990s? The hedge fund
received a private-sector bailout organized by the Federal Reserve Bank of
New York.

At any rate, Fleischer said Evans and O'Neill agreed that "no action should
be taken" to intervene. At least they seem to have gotten that part right.
Fleischer said neither O'Neill nor Evans mentioned the Lay calls to Bush.
Only refracting that claim through what we've learned over the last quarter
century about "plausible deniability" does that seem at all, well, plausible.

It was very thoughtful of Lay to be in touch with the administration, and
possibly to be shopping for a bailout. But due diligence only goes so far. I
bet that a lot of Enron employees and shareholders would have liked a
similar ringy-dingy about Oct. 28 or Nov. 8 (the dates that Treasury
spokeswoman Michelle Davis said Lay called O'Neill).

But don't you have a teeny wonder about how many corporate chief
executives get through to the Treasury and Commerce secretaries to give
them a heads-up that their company is tanking?


The answer, of course, is almost any executive who, along with his fellow
officers and company PAC, had given millions of dollars to the right
political campaigns.

Robert Bennett, the Washington attorney representing Enron in the
criminal investigation, has urged that, "We should wait until the facts are
out."

That may be true in a narrow, legalistic sense -- such as whether any
Enron officials get to make extended visits to Leavenworth. But that does
not apply to making some clear, caustic judgments about what is already
known about this mess.

chron.com

Hines is a Houston Chronicle columnist based in Washington, D.C.
(cragg.hines@chron.com)