SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (2003)1/11/2002 11:07:38 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
Rollback on Clean Air

January 9, 2002



"It is a bad idea, one of several to emerge from Vice President Dick
Cheney's task force on energy last spring.


A proposal to weaken an
important provision in the
Clean Air Act is making its way to
the White House for a final
decision by President Bush. The recommendation, from the
Energy Department and The Environmental Protection
Agency, is variously described as "tentative" and "informal"
- in any case, not final. One can only hope so. It is a bad
idea, one of several to emerge from Vice President Dick
Cheney's task force on energy last spring.
By rejecting it, the
administration can spare itself the kind of embarrassment it
suffered when it tried to roll back the Clinton
administration's arsenic standard last year.

At issue is a complicated section of the Clean Air Act
known as new source review.

The provision requires existing power
plants to install modern controls whenever they are
significantly upgraded or expanded, putting them on a par
with new, cleaner plants.
This was aimed mainly at
hundreds of aging, coal-fired power plants that were
exempted from the original act's stringent regulations in the
expectation that they would soon be retired. Most of them
are still going strong, contributing to smog and acid rain.
Plants in the Midwest send so much pollution eastward on
the prevailing winds that it is almost impossible for states
like New York and New Jersey to meet federal clean air
standards.

This windblown pollution - which will surely increase if new
source review is weakened without an adequate substitute
- accounts for the presence in Washington yesterday of the
attorneys general of nine Eastern states, including New
York's Eliot Spitzer. They urged the administration not to
undermine the law. They also warned that weakening new
source review would compromise lawsuits filed in 1999
against utilities that they said had been breaking the law by
upgrading old plants without installing the necessary
controls.

New source review applies to all industrial sectors, including
the oil, gas and chemical industries. But the big utilities
with old coal-fired plants have complained the loudest. They
say the law is vague, requiring expensive controls even when
only routine maintenance is involved. They also say that the
law penalizes investments in efficiency, which is absurd on
its face. The law is triggered only when plants create more
pollution. Efficiency, in this context, means creating more
power without increasing pollution - not just making
maximum profits with minimum investment.


Without question, pollution controls are expensive. But the
country long ago said that it was willing to pay for cleaner
air. And new source review, if fully applied to all old plants,
could lead to truly remarkable reductions in chemicals that
produce smog and acid rain, as much as 80 percent in the
case of acid rain, according to an Energy Department study
in December 2000.

The main proponent of a rollback seems to be the energy
secretary, Spencer Abraham.
Christie Whitman, the E.P.A.
administrator, who supported the law (and the 1999
lawsuits) when she was governor of New Jersey, is said to
favor modest adjustments aimed at clarifying the law.
Eastern senators, including James Jeffords of Vermont and
Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut, want no changes unless
the administration comes up with an alternate plan that
achieves the same reductions or better. They are also
sufficiently alarmed by the rollback reports that they have
decided to summon Bush officials to testify. Perhaps the
administration can yet be persuaded of the error of its ways

nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (2003)1/13/2002 8:00:04 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 15516
 
What will lobbyist do at the RNC to earn pay?
The Baltimore Sun
Jules Witcover
Jan 11, 2002

WASHINGTON - Former Montana Gov. Marc
Racicot, slated to be elected chairman of the
Republican National Committee when it meets
in Austin next week, has suddenly experienced
an improvement in his eyesight. He says he
can now see that continuing to be a paid
lobbyist for clients who have business before the federal
government might conceivably be viewed as a conflict of
interest. His solution is to vow that "I will not represent
the interests of clients before the Congress or the
administration."

In other words, Mr. Racicot as the new party chairman
will continue on the payroll of his Texas-based law firm,
but not as a registered lobbyist. It is a posture that will
require the discipline of a kid sent into a candy store
and told to keep his hands off the merchandise.

What, pray tell, having sworn off lobbying, will he do to
earn the reportedly fat law-firm salary he will get? So
asks his prospective Democratic counterpart, Terry
McAuliffe, the master Democratic fund-raiser, who then
adds: "I'll leave it to President Bush to decide who
should be the chair and what appropriate behavior is."
Would you care to bet, though, that the feisty Mr.
McAuliffe will give Mr. Racicot and the GOP a free ride
on this one in a congressional election year?

Even some prominent Republicans, such as Sen. John
McCain, questioned Mr. Racicot's doubling as a lobbyist
from the party chairman's post. The Montanan's
assurance now that he won't be hustling for his clients
while rubbing elbows with the president, key White
House aides and GOP congressional leaders won't end
Democratic suggestions of hanky-panky.

Prior to acceding to the urgings of his good friend
George W. Bush to take the RNC chairmanship, Mr.
Racicot had said he couldn't afford working for the mere
$150,000-a-year the party job pays. After years in the
low-paying Montana governor's chair, he said, he had to
get about the business of caring for his family.

Only when the notion struck that he could have his
cake and eat it too did Mr. Racicot agree to take the
party post. Working both sides of the street is not, after
all, uncharted territory. The late Ron Brown did the
same as Democratic National Chairman while
continuing as a partner in a high-powered Washington
law firm in 1992.

One practical matter may keep much of the anticipated
heat off Mr. Racicot. The national chairman's job seldom
carries great weight when his party holds the Oval
Office. Then, the key political decisions are made in the
White House by the political operatives closest to the
president. In this case, that means KARL ROVE, the main
architect of Mr. Bush's election in 2000 and his
principal political swami ever since.

When the national chairman's party is in power, he is
usually reduced to a hand-holder for petitioners of
administration favors and a servicer of state party
organizations. The real political clout remains with
those who got the president where he finds himself.

The out-of-power party's chairman, by contrast, takes
on a more free-wheeling position, especially when there
is no conspicuous other party leader. That is the
vacuum in which Mr. McAuliffe can operate these days,
with Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle clearly the
most visible Democratic leader, yet not quite a
household name. Former Vice President Al Gore, with
or without beard, has been reduced to a quiet-voiced
prospective presidential candidate again.

There have been, to be sure, some powerful and
influential national party chairmen. FDR's main
political man, Jim Farley, immediately springs to mind,
but Farley was also in the Roosevelt Cabinet as
postmaster general when the occupant of that office had
more to do than trying to improve service at the local
Post Office customer counter.

In the Kennedy-Johnson era, Larry O'Brien was the
in-house political operative, and he remained so even
when LBJ appointed him postmaster general as a way
to keep him from fleeing government service. When
Republican Richard Nixon won the White House,
O'Brien was persuaded after a stint in the private sector
to take over as Democratic National Chairman, when
the post did have clout in the out-of-power party.

But Mr. Racicot should have no heavy lifting in the job
with a fellow Republican in the Oval Office. Especially if
he's just minding the RNC store and not, as he
promises, busy lobbying.

Jules Witcover writes from The Sun's Washington
bureau.

Copyright © 2002, The Baltimore Sun

sunspot.net 11, 2002

E-mail story