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Non-Tech : The ENRON Scandal -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Karen Lawrence who wrote (889)1/20/2002 1:57:51 PM
From: Ron  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 
The Enron Story That Waited To Be Told

By Howard Kurtz
Washington Post Staff Writer
Bethany McLean, a 31-year-old Fortune magazine reporter with an impossibly soft voice, decided to take a hard look at Enron last January.
The Houston energy company didn't like her questions. The CEO, Jeffrey Skilling, called her unethical and hung up on her. The chairman, Kenneth Lay, called Fortune's managing editor to complain. The chief financial officer, Andrew Fastow, flew to New York to tell McLean and her editors that Enron was in great shape.

McLean refused to be intimidated. "The company remains largely impenetrable to outsiders," she wrote in Fortune's March 5, 2001, issue. "How exactly does Enron make its money? Details are hard to come by because Enron keeps many of the specifics confidential. . . . Analysts don't seem to have a clue." All this amounted to a "red flag" that "may increase the chance of a nasty surprise."

The story sank without a trace. "At that point the coverage of Enron was pretty glowing," McLean says. After all, the stock had soared 90 percent the previous year and was selling for $76 a share.

Now that the company has collapsed amid charges of financial chicanery, devastating its employees' retirement funds, Enron is the hottest story in the country. Political reporters joined the fray after learning that Enron had sought help from the Bush White House. Teams of business journalists are digging into the largest corporate meltdown in American history.

But as in the savings and loan debacle a dozen years ago, it took news organizations too long to piece together the clues. "It's fair to say the press did not do a great job in covering Enron," says Steve Shepard, editor-in-chief of Business Week magazine, which ran only briefs on the company's financial problems until a cover story in November. "Enron was really a systemic failure of all the checks and balances we have on corporate governance: integrity of management, board of directors, audit committee of the board, outside accounting firm, Wall Street analysts and ultimately the press. And all of us failed."

There were some notable early efforts. Last May, the Wall Street Journal ran a front-page story on Lay getting a half-hour meeting to lobby Vice President Cheney on the administration's energy program. The story noted that over the years Enron had donated nearly $2 million to President Bush, Lay's longtime friend, and that some top administration officials had worked for Enron.

"I feel pretty good about what we've done on Enron," says Alan Murray, the Journal's Washington bureau chief. "What we clearly did not understand was that it was heading for a disaster."

The problem, he says, is that such stories often turn on "arcane and technical" practices. "The press doesn't pay as much attention to some of these regulatory issues that have more impact on the world than the political issues we do pay attention to," Murray says.

If company auditors -- in this case, Arthur Andersen -- don't raise questions, "it's very hard to know where to look," says Larry Kramer, chief executive of CBS MarketWatch.com. "We didn't get a lot of rumblings. Our coverage was robust, but was still based on events after the fact."

A dramatic decline in stock is not necessarily a warning of foul play, says Kramer, noting that his own company went public at $97 a share and the stock is now worth $4. "People just got dazzled by the size of the business," he says of Enron.

David Morrow, editor of TheStreet.com, says the press is "too reactionary. It's too easy for the business press to look at what the analysts are saying." Most Wall Street analysts had a buy rating on Enron stock.

Indeed, only one group wanted Enron's stock to tank: the short-sellers, professional traders who bet on a stock's decline. One short-seller, Jim Chanos of Kynikos Associates, suggested to Fortune's McLean that she look at Enron's Form 10-K, a required annual filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

McLean says she understood Chanos's motive but was struck by the document. There were "strange transactions," "erratic cash flow" and huge debt. "It made you wonder, if their business was so phenomenally profitable, why they had to be adding debt at such a rapid rate," she says.

But the story was hard to write: "You can't just spout off about derivatives and mark-to-market accounts and expect people to get it."

Ironically, Fortune's own surveys had named Enron America's most innovative firm for six straight years, and much of the coverage was similarly upbeat. Last January, a Houston Chronicle story was headlined: "Houston has $100 billion company; Enron Corp. sets records for sales, earnings in 2000."

There were a few critical pieces, but they mainly focused on politics.

In February, the Los Angeles Times reported on the close ties between Lay and the president, noting that Bush had flown on Enron jets during the campaign. In March, The Washington Post ran a piece on Lay's growing influence. In May, the New York Times quoted the federal government's top electricity regulator, Curtis Hebert Jr., as saying Lay had offered to support his continued tenure if he changed his views on energy deregulation. Hebert says he declined. Bush replaced him months later.

In August, at a Fortune conference in Aspen, Lay told Rik Kirkland, Fortune's managing editor, that Enron really disliked McLean's story. A week later, Skilling quit as CEO after just six months on the job, calling it a "personal decision."

"The main point of failure was when Skilling resigned, because unless he had cancer or something it was inexplicable," Business Week's Shepard says. "The failure of the press was not saying, 'What's going on here?' " Business Week talked to Skilling off the record but could shed no further light on the situation.

To be sure, journalists were skeptical. "The abruptness of the departure left many analysts questioning whether a series of setbacks the company has suffered played a part in the decision," the New York Times said. Enron's stock, which had fallen by 50 percent since January, dropped another 14 percent in two days.

Some commentators unloaded on the company. "Until they clear this one up, Enron's a goner," former money manager Jim Cramer wrote on RealMoney.com.

But hard information was scarce. "It's almost as if you have to use forensic accountants when you're doing a company story because many companies are using very aggressive accounting techniques that are perfectly legal," Shepard says.

Enron fired Fastow in October for overseeing questionable off-the-books partnerships, and in November the company admitted overstating its profits by $600 million. But most papers played these stories on their business pages.

Even Enron's Dec. 2 declaration of bankruptcy failed to make the front pages of USA Today, The Washington Post, the Boston Globe and the Philadelphia Inquirer. The CBS, NBC and ABC evening newscasts each gave the announcement two sentences.
The media were still heavily focused on the war in Afghanistan.

Now that Enron's stock has been booted off the New York Stock Exchange, Fortune staffers can't say enough about the way McLean defied both Enron executives and conventional wisdom.

"It was a gutsy thing to do," Kirkland says. "We trusted her. When you look back it's obvious: Why weren't we all asking these questions?"



To: Karen Lawrence who wrote (889)1/20/2002 10:08:05 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 5185
 
Enron Was A Big Player in Texas

"Political donations by large corporations,
especially in the energy field, is tradition
in Texas, said Daron Shaw, an associate
government professor at the University of Texas."


Sunday January 20 2:42 PM ET
By KELLEY SHANNON, Associated Press Writer

AUSTIN, Texas (AP) - In the company's high-flying days, Enron Corp. employees and their political action
committee stuffed the campaign coffers of Texas
state officials in nearly every top post,
from the governor to justices on the highest civil court.

Gov. Rick Perry has received more
than $227,000 in campaign donations from
Enron Corp. officials since 1993, second
among state politicians only to
George W. Bush
during his campaigns for governor.
Executives and employees of the now-bankrupt
Houston energy giant gave more than $1 million
to state officeholders in Texas over the past
decade. That's along with at least $477,000
donated over 12 years to Texans in Congress.

Political donations by large corporations,
especially in the energy field, is tradition in
Texas, said Daron Shaw, an associate government
professor at the University of Texas.

``What you try to pay for is access, and people
will hear what you have to say,'' Shaw said.
However, it is ``the scope and the amount of
money they have to pay that's sort of
unusual,'' he said of Enron.

Donations to Perry's campaigns for state office
since 1993 include $138,000 given by Enron's chief executive, Kenneth Lay. That includes $25,000
given the day after Perry named former Enron
executive Max Yzaguirre to be chairman of
the Public Utility Commission last June.

Yzaguirre resigned Friday amid the political storm surrounding Enron's dramatic downfall, in which
it became the largest corporation in U.S. history
to file for bankruptcy.


Perry, a Republican, was agriculture
commissioner and lieutenant governor before
ascending to governor a year ago when Bush
resigned to become president.

For his two gubernatorial campaigns,
Bush got $312,500 from Enron officials,
according to Texans For Public Justice,
a nonprofit group in Austin that tracks
money in politics. During his race for
the presidency, Bush received nearly
$114,000 from Lay and Enron.

Enron benefited while Bush was governor
with passage of electric deregulation and
enactment of tort reform laws, and under
Perry when Yzaguirre was chosen to lead
the Public Utility Commission, said Andrew Wheat,
research director of Texans For Public Justice.


``When you look overall at political influence,
this is one of the most influential corporations
that we have. For a corporation to have one of
its own people as chairman of the PUC regulating its industry is an extraordinary coup d'etat,'' Wheat said.
Other leading

Texas politicians who received Enron campaign contributions were Attorney General John Cornyn, a Republican who got $188,000;
Comptroller Carole Keeton Rylander,
a Republican
who got $71,500; and former
Texas Supreme Court Justice Greg Abbott, a Republican now running for attorney general
who received $12,600 in past campaigns.
Abbott has returned his contributions,
and Rylander plans to donate hers to a
fund to help Enron employees, their spokesmen said.
Enron's executives and its PAC have
contributed $134,058 to state Supreme Court
justices since 1993, according to Texans For Public Justice.


Among Democrats, gubernatorial candidate
Dan Morales said he is giving $8,250
in Enron PAC contributions, received when he
was attorney general, to an Enron employees assistance fund.

Former Comptroller John Sharp, the
Semocratic candidate for lieutenant governor,
received $7,500 and is donating it to help Enron
employees.

Democratic U.S. Rep. Ken Bentsen of
Houston received $42,750. He said he will
donate $2,000 to a fund to assist Enron
workers.


Cornyn has not taken any Enron-related money
in his bid for U.S. Senate. He isn't giving
his state contributions up because they were
made legally, said spokesman Dave Beckwith.
Perry said Friday he will keep his Enron
contributions.


dailynews.yahoo.com
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Reporter Natalie Gott in Houston contributed to this report.
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