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Non-Tech : The Enron Scandal - Unmoderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jorj X Mckie who wrote (1267)2/4/2002 9:58:57 PM
From: KLP  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
I can well imagine he might be ill.



To: Jorj X Mckie who wrote (1267)2/5/2002 5:40:37 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 3602
 
Checks, balances 'simply broke down'

UT dean testifies before House panel
By DAVID IVANOVICH
Feb. 4, 2002, 11:38PM
Houston Chronicle Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON -- A special board committee investigating Enron Corp. discovered an "absolutely appalling" situation of managers trying to hide the company's true condition, board member William Powers Jr. told a House panel Monday evening.

Powers, dean of the University of Texas Law School, told the House Subcommittee on Capital Markets that at Enron "the checks and balances simply broke down."

"We found a systematic and pervasive attempt by Enron's management to misrepresent the company's financial condition," Powers said.

Powers declined to say whether he thought any laws had been broken, deferring to the Justice Department, the Securities and Exchange Commission and other agencies conducting their own probes.

However, he did note: "This is very serious conduct. ... Certainly, it warrants close attention."

Powers' appearance on Capitol Hill came just two days after his investigatory panel filed its damning 218-page report.

It accused executives, auditors, lawyers and other board members of improperly creating partnerships to inflate earnings, hide debt and enrich a handful of insiders.

The report details how Enron managers exaggerated earnings over a 15-month period in 2000 and 2001 by more than $1 billion.

Rep. Richard Baker, R-La., chairman of the House Subcommittee on Capital Markets, called the Powers committee's report "one of the most disturbing things I've ever had the misfortune to read."

The Powers report "blows my mind," said Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn. "I am absolutely dumbfounded. I feel like I am in Sin City."

Lawmakers had to settle for questioning Powers after the day's headliner, Ken Lay, who resigned from the Enron board on Monday, canceled plans to appear earlier in the day before a Senate panel.

Powers' three-member committee did not try to fathom all the reasons for the Enron collapse. It was only asked to investigate some controversial off-balance-sheet transactions involving former Enron Chief Financial Officer Andrew Fastow and other Enron executives.

Fastow personally took in more than $30 million from these transactions, Enron has said.

Though Enron's board approved of his involvement with the ventures, the report said, it was was unaware of how much money he was making on them.

Powers said board members had raised questions about the deals, but were told they should not be given the information because the off-balance-sheet ventures were supposed to be independent of the company.

Besides Fastow, other members of the company's finance and accounting departments were aware of the transactions, Powers said.

Powers' committee concluded that former Chief Executive Jeff Skilling also had substantial knowledge about the deals, although Skilling has said he had little involvement with them.

"We were not able to ascertain with ... precision what Lay or Skilling knew," Powers said.

Skilling is slated to testify before a House panel on Thursday. Lawmakers also wanted to hear from Fastow, but he has already notified them that, if called, he would invoke his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.

The company's board did not learn that some of company's off-balance-sheet joint ventures were "under water" until Skilling resigned in August and former Chairman Ken Lay resumed the duties of chief executive officer.

When conducting its probe, Powers' committee was able to review some documents from Enron's outside auditor, Arthur Andersen, but was unable to interview Andersen officials, Powers said.

Andersen officials dispute that contention: "Andersen offered to make our people available, and it was the Enron special committee that was unwilling to cooperate with us."

Andersen Chief Executive Joseph Berardino is slated to appear before the House subcommittee today.

Powers' committee took particular exception to Enron's system of "hedging" losses in these off-balance-sheet transactions -- that is, contracting with a third party willing, for a price, to assume the risk.

But the main assets of some of the joint ventures were Enron's own shares. "Enron was essentially hedging with itself," Powers said.

While there are many questions about who knew what about Enron's true financial condition, "virtually everyone, everyone from the board of directors on down, understood that the company was seeking to offset its investment losses with its own stock."

As Enron's outside auditor, Andersen should have raised questions about the hedging strategy.

Andersen has been criticized for both serving as Enron's outside auditor and also receiving hefty consulting fees from the company.

Some lawmakers have proposed that the auditors be hired and paid by someone other than the company itself.

"Perhaps ... it's time to have the stock exchanges engage the auditors and report their findings simultaneously to the exchange and the corporation," Baker said.

Noting that he is not a securities lawyer, Powers expressed surprise at Enron's ability to move assets around and, in essence, manipulate the company's balance sheet.

Critics on Capitol Hill also have cited securities analysts' failure to warn investors about Enron's indecipherable financial statements.

Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Harvey Pitt, who also appeared before the subcommittee, plans to propose new rules Thursday aimed at tightening controls over financial analysts.



To: Jorj X Mckie who wrote (1267)2/6/2002 5:11:28 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 3602
 
Enron's Culture of Corruption

Washington Post Editorial
Tuesday, February 5, 2002
Page A14

THE WEEKEND'S revelations about Enron make it tempting to see the scandal as an epitaph for the 1990s bubble. The firm seems to have assembled the various strains of hubris found in different corners of the country: the technological vanity of Silicon Valley mixed with the financial alchemy of Wall Street, the influence-peddling of Washington fused with the ten-gallon brashness of Texas. Not content with earning hundreds of thousands of dollars, Enron's senior executives cooked the books so that they could pocket millions. Not content with having created a wonderful new market in energy derivatives, they lied and cheated to create an illusion of impossibly fast earnings growth. Contemplating Enron's self-destructive arrogance, Sen. Byron Dorgan has spoken quite accurately of "a culture of corporate corruption."

In time, historians may indeed choose Enron as a kind of symbol of the 1990s, much as Michael Milken's junk-bond empire has come to stand for the excesses of the preceding decade. But for now the cultural dynamics of the scandal ought not be the focus in Washington. The architects of Enron's corruption will be punished in due course by the justice system, and there's nothing to be gained by spinning a broader morality tale that might amplify the anti-corporate rhetoric of the globalization protests. The right focus for Congress and the administration is to fix the rules that allowed Enron's culture to evolve in the first place.

That means, first and foremost, fixing the audit system. The report on Enron released over the weekend pointed the finger at three groups of people -- the managers and board members as well as the accountants -- but it is the third group whose behavior is most reformable. Capitalism works on the assumption that managers will do all they can to boost profits, much as football assumes players' aggression. Up to a point, company boards can impose discipline on managers, but directors who meet only infrequently can no more be relied upon to spot foul play than a ref without line judges. This is why the key constraint must come from auditors. These are the experts who get paid millions of dollars to certify that corporate accounts are accurate.

The Enron story shows how badly auditors neglect this mission. According to the weekend's report, few managers at the company knew the extent of Enron's phony bookkeeping; the board, while knowingly approving some dangerous transactions, was also partly in the dark. But Arthur Andersen, the auditor, knew all about the off-balance-sheet partnerships because it had been paid $5.7 million for advice about them; it must also have known about the illusory profits created by the advance booking of estimated future earnings, because it signed off on those accounts. In 2000 alone, Andersen's experts were paid $25 million to understand Enron's finances. But because of the looseness of the laws that define auditors' responsibilities, they did not feel obliged to share their insights with the ordinary investors whom they are meant to serve. If this scandalous laxity had not existed, the hubris of Enron's managers would not have mattered. A culture of corruption cannot develop if tough watchdogs are in place.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company