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Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (2696)2/7/2002 7:37:51 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Bush makes two mistakes

Thursday, February 7, 2002

By TED VAN DYK
SEATTLE POST-INTELLIGENCER COLUMNIST

"It was worse than a crime. It was a blunder." --
traditional French characterization of a high-level
gaffe

Presidents, like athletes sitting on a big lead, overreach and
make dumb mistakes when their popularity ratings run
high. President Bush, as others before him, did it twice last
week with blunders he needs to set right.

The first was his last-minute addition to his otherwise
effective State of the Union address labeling Iran, Iraq, and
North Korea an "axis of evil ... threatening the peace of the
world."
Later in the speech he said that if other nations did
not want to act against terrorism, the United States would
without them.

My guess is that Bush simply thought he was firing a
figurative shot across the bows of the three regimes and,
with his go-it-alone statement, wanted to emphasize U.S.
determination. But in doing it he abandoned the carefully
calibrated approach he had taken toward the war on
terrorism to date. He renewed pre-Sept. 11 fears of allies
that the president was a Texas hip shooter who might pick
a fight at the wrong place and time and then suck them
into it.

The Axis Three should be differentiated. And none of the
three should be written off as a lost cause to the civilized
world.

What they share in common is their attempt to acquire,
develop or disseminate weapons of mass destruction we
and others already possess. They also share a recent
history of attempting to subvert their immediate neighbors
and of quashing political, religious and ethnic dissent
within their own borders. All three have sponsored or
harbored terrorists.

Iran, however, has both inside and outside its government
important forces pushing for economic and political
liberalization. Iran cooperated in a limited way with the
U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, although, reverting to
form, it since has meddled in the western part of that
country bordering Iran. Most important: In any future
attempt to isolate or weaken Iraq, a hole-card option for the
United States would be to normalize relations with Iran and
thus shift the power balance in the region dramatically
against Saddam Hussein.

Iraq continues to ban international inspection of its sinister
weapons-development programs. Yet it otherwise appears
reasonably contained, has a weak economy and has a badly
degraded military barely capable of defending the
homeland core. It must be dealt with in time but certainly
not by the United States alone and not in such a way as to
make the secular Saddam seem a hero to radical Islam.

North Korea remains a crazy, isolated place. But South
Korea, with our support, has been taking a step-by-step
path toward opening the north and eventual reunification.
North Korea's neighbors, including China, have, with the
United States, been keeping that country on a short leash
to assure that it will not launch some irrational military
action in the region.

The other blunder was Bush's opposition to the General
Accounting Office's request for records of Vice President
Cheney's energy task force deliberations in which
discredited Enron CEO Kenneth Lay had an apparent role.

Having directed and served on such task forces, I can attest
that if done by the book they involve formal meetings and
background research over many weeks in which relevant
Cabinet departments and independent agencies
systematically examine a given policy issue, the options
available to address it and the tradeoffs among the options.
Consultation with affected private and public-sector groups
is part of the process. When task-force recommendations
are brought to a president he accepts them, modifies them
or sometimes just dumps them in a dead file.

My guess here is that the vice president does not fear
disclosure of special Enron or other energy-company
access. More likely, he does not want it known that his task
force was a quickie, ad hoc exercise that rubber-stamped
standard Petroleum Club proposals decided beforehand.
They went in one side of the task-force bologna machine
and came rapidly out the other neatly labeled and
packaged but still the same bologna. Examination might
show it was a task force that was barely there.

Few in the media and in the general public have any idea
how a policy task force is supposed to work. But they can
see quite easily when someone is ducking and trying to
hide something -- as Bush and Cheney are doing -- and
presume the worst.

The Bush-Cheney argument that they are defending the
future right of presidents and vice presidents to have
confidential discussions is phony. The constitutional issue
of executive privilege has not been invoked. The task force
was not discussing war plans.

Bush energy policy proposals have been stalled on Capitol
Hill under a cloud because of suspicion about their origins.
The president's reputation for straight dealing could go
downhill too if the stonewalling continues.

Bush has retreated partially but not yet credibly from his
evil axis statement. Now he needs to turn over the energy
policy papers. Otherwise, as his predecessors did, he'll
learn that you can't play careless with a big lead.

seattlepi.nwsource.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (2696)2/10/2002 1:20:02 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 15516
 
Patten lays into Bush's America Fury at
president's 'axis of evil' speech


Jonathan Freedland in Brussels
Saturday February 9, 2002
The Guardian

Chris Patten, the EU commissioner in charge of Europe's
international relations,
has launched a scathing attack on
American foreign policy - accusing the Bush administration of a
dangerously "absolutist and simplistic" stance towards the rest
of the world.

As EU officials warned of a rift opening up between Europe and
the US wider than at any time for half a century, Mr Patten tells
the Guardian it is time European governments spoke up and
stopped Washington before it goes into "unilateralist overdrive".

"Gulliver can't go it alone, and I don't think it's helpful if we regard
ourselves as so Lilliputian that we can't speak up and say it," he
says in today's interview.

Mr Patten's broadside came as the French prime minister,
Lionel Jospin, warned the US yesterday not to give in to "the
strong temptation of unilateralism".

Like France, Mr Patten singled out Mr Bush's branding of Iraq,
Iran and North Korea as "an axis of evil".

"I find it hard to believe that's a thought-through policy," he says,
adding that the phrase was deeply "unhelpful".

EU officials concede that the US and Europe could now be on a
collision course over Iran, with the EU determined to forge a
trade and cooperation agreement with Tehran just as
Washington has deemed it an "evil" sponsor of terror.

Mr Patten insists that the European policy of "constructive
engagement" with Iranian moderates and North Korea is much
more likely to bring results than a US policy which so far
consists of "more rhetoric than substance".

The commissioner's remarks represent the most public
statement yet of what has become a growing sense of alarm in
Europe's capitals at the increasingly belligerent tone adopted by
Washington.

One senior EU official said: "It is humiliating and demeaning if
we feel we have to go and get our homework marked by Dick
Cheney and Condi Rice. We've got to stop thinking that the only
policy we can have is one that doesn't get vetoed by the United
States."

Publicly, the British government continues to stand "shoulder to
shoulder" with Mr Bush. But senior Labour figures admit they
are deeply troubled by the newly aggressive thrust of US
thinking - especially the hints that America could widen the war
against terrorism to a clutch of new countries. They are likely to
seize on Mr Patten's remarks as they press their case with
Tony Blair.

In the interview the former Conservative party chairman delivers a
devastatingly comprehensive critique of US strategy. He
upbraids Washington for showing much more interest in
stamping out terrorism than in tackling terror's root causes.

"When you're addressing that agenda, frankly, smart bombs
have their place but smart development assistance seems to me
even more significant," he said.

That view is widely held in Europe, typified by Mr Blair's
much-quoted "heal the world" speech last year in Brighton. But
it barely gets a hearing in today's Washington, Mr Patten
concedes, especially since the dramatic success of the US-led
military operation in Afghanistan. That has fed a new US mood
of "intense triumphalism", according to EU officials, with
secretary of state Colin Powell regarded as "a lone voice of
reason".

Mr Bush's "axis of evil" speech appears to have been the last
straw for EU policymakers. In today's interview, Mr Patten offers
withering condemnation of the phrase.

Besides balking at the word "evil", he disputes whether the three
countries named are an axis at all, insisting there is no evidence
that they are working together on weapons of mass destruction.
But Mr Patten also expresses great irritation with Washington
for undermining long-established EU efforts to reach out to
Tehran and Pyongyang.

"There is more to be said for trying to engage and to draw these
societies into the international community than to cut them off,"
he says.

But Mr Patten's greatest ire is reserved for America's go-it-alone
approach to international relations. "However mighty you are,
even if you're the greatest superpower in the world, you cannot
do it all on your own."

He calls on Europe's 15 member states to put aside their
traditional wariness of angering the US and to speak up, forging
an international stance of their own on issues ranging from the
Middle East to global warming.

guardian.co.uk