Ashcroft, Jeffords, Enron And Other Things
By Lowell Phillips
With the declared death of the economic stimulus package still lingering in the air and the Enron inquisition building to an inevitable crescendo, the Republican Party cannot help but be haunted by the face of Jim Jeffords. With each obstructionist move and condescending offer of bi-partisanship from Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, the memory of Jeffords´ sanctimonious repudiation of the Republican Party becomes that much more poignant. And as the mid-term congressional elections draw near, this torment will undoubtedly intensify.
I have to admit that seeing Jeffords emerge from his quarter-century of senatorial anonymity and taking it upon himself to radically alter the nation´s political dynamics was one of the more bizarre moments in recent Washington memory. His professed discomfort with the rightward leanings of the Bush administration and congressional Republicans was said to have caused him to shed his party affiliation and deliver the Senate into the hands of Daschle and company. It´s odd that this unease did not reveal itself during the eras of Newt Gingrich and Ronald Reagan.
Though Bush is a legitimate conservative in his own right, these former GOP leaders more clearly embodied what some label as "the radical right". Even 13 years out of office and deeply in the grip of Alzheimer´s Disease, so despised is former President Reagan that certain congressional Democrats could not lower themselves to wish him well on the occasion of his 91st birthday. But while the momentary transformation of the perpetual backbencher into the ultimate DC powerbroker has made Jeffords the deserving recipient of Republican scorn, when lamenting the current political melodrama, I can´t help but recall the altruistic gesture by John Ashcroft that has cost conservatives so dearly.
Through all that has happened over the past year and with the Florida election battle still fresh in the minds of many, Missouri´s scandalous senatorial election has become a minor historical footnote. The well-intended, though misguided, sacrifice by then Missouri Senator John Ashcroft has been all but forgotten, although it contributed mightily to the current situation. But with each smarmy proclamation and distortion of fact from the Jeffords-appointed Senate leadership, the reality of what the Democrat Party has become and the folly of conciliatory efforts is more apparent. They should also remind conservatives that doing what´s right is quite often unpleasant.
The broad support for George Bush has left few longing for the leadership of Albert Gore Jr. In spite of the wide-ranging approval for the current administration, deeply entrenched operatives within the liberal establishment continue to believe, and promote the idea, that the White House was "stolen" by Republicans. No doubt, this solidifies in their minds the existence of a "vast right-wing conspiracy". Their ludicrous cries of voter intimidation, confusing ballots and "dimpled chads" distorts the reality of a concerted effort by the Gore camp to disqualify legal votes and circumvent established election law. Completely overshadowed by the Florida election fiasco were the flagrant, well-orchestrated abuses in the state of Missouri and the continued damage being caused by John Ashcroft´s acquiescence. Granted, Mr. Ashcroft was placed in the unenviable position of having to contest the election of a dead man, but the obvious threat to our system of government should have made this unpleasant task worthwhile.
In the closing days of the Missouri race, then Senator Ashcroft found himself facing not one opponent, but four. The tragic death of Governor Mel Carnahan, along with his son Randy, mere weeks before the election transformed the fallen contender into both a Democrat candidate, and a canonized progressive leader. The truth of his often-vicious partisanship was lost somewhere in the mix. Soon thereafter, the announcement by interim Governor Roger Wilson of his intention to appoint Jean Carnahan to the Senate seat, should her deceased husband win, added a bereaved widow and a traumatized mother to Ashcroft´s list of adversaries.
To that point Mr. Ashcroft held a modest though discernible lead in the polls. At this critical moment, and with the Carnahan myth under construction, he suspended his campaign for over a week as a show of respect. This was an interesting gesture by a man that Mr. Carnahan openly hated and who has since become the liberal poster boy for "intolerance". When he finally emerged from this hiatus, John Ashcroft was trailing by as many as 10 points to the multiple Democrat candidates. The final election results show him loosing by 48,000 votes out of 2½ million ballots cast.
In light of the handful of votes that decided the Florida presidential election, this margin appears vast. But when factoring in the pervasive election abuses and constitutional violations, the result can hardly be believed. The selection of Jean Carnahan by Governor Roger Wilson prior to the election was an arguable violation of the Hatch Act, which is meant to prevent such insider partisan dealings. It specifically forbids "the promise of employment or other benefit for political activity." At the very least, the decision to make Mrs. Carnahan the de facto Democrat candidate pushed aside every process whereby a name appears on the ballot. Voters on election day knew very well that a vote for Mel Carnahan was actually a vote for his widow. More importantly, Article I, Sect. 3 of the U.S. Constitution, states:
"No person shall be a senator who… shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the state for which he shall be chosen."
In no rational manner can the argument be made that a deceased man is residing anywhere.
The story of the posthumous candidacy of Gov. Carnahan is the most lasting memory of Missouri´s Senate race. Underneath, however, was an even more flagrant and seemingly preconceived strategy of campaign violations. The day before the election, Democrat congressional candidate William Lacy Clay announced that polls would be open late on election night. As the state´s voting centers were about to close at the mandated time of 7 p.m., Circuit Court Judge Evelyn Baker acted on spurious charges of voter enfranchisement and ordered St. Louis polling stations to remain open until 10 p.m. Within minutes a prerecorded phone message by Jesse Jackson went out to potential Democrat voters. Later, a three-judge panel overruled Baker and ordered the polls to close by 8:15. The instruction was roundly ignored and the voting in the heavily Democrat city continued, as did the Jackson phone-bank calls. The election board itself remained open until midnight. Moreover, poll workers, unaware of the newly extended hours, left dozens of stations and ballot boxes unattended. Countless unregistered voters did so, and the St. Louis police later discovered a voting machine abandoned in a vacant lot.
In the immediate aftermath, protests began to emerge and the matter seemed destined to be decided in court. Gore´s challenge to Florida´s election results was based on unfounded arguments and manufactured evidence, yet he nearly succeeded. The mountains of evidence indicating massive Democrat fraud in Missouri was in stark contrast. The total breakdown of election rules and the utter disregard for constitutional guidelines made the likelihood of Jean Carnahan occupying a Senate seat highly questionable. But the fight was ended before it began as Ashcroft quickly declared that he would "not take part" in any legal action and would discourage others as well. As he held back tears, he willingly relinquished his Senate claim and professed his hope that "the outcome of this election is a comfort to Mrs. Carnahan."
While this offering was highly admirable in a personal sense it bought Republicans exactly nothing and John Ashcroft less than that. His professional sacrifice entitled him to no special treatment during his confirmation hearings for the post of attorney general. He was portrayed as the personification of all liberal fears and was accused of desiring everything from the revocation of women´s suffrage to the reestablishment of the Confederacy. The newly seated Sen. Jean Carnahan, voted against his appointment and accused him of being "too divisive for our country." He could scarcely have been further ridiculed had he made a stump speech on Mel Carnahan´s grave. But above all, Ashcroft´s conciliatory actions provided Jim Jeffords his fleeting moment in the spotlight, and all but guaranteed the continuation of the Democrats deplorable election tactics.
It can be argued that even if Mr. Ashcroft had fought and retained his seat in the Senate that the result would be the same. At the time of Jefford´s defection, John McCain seemed every bit as eager to jump ship. McCain´s recurring bouts with megalomania made anything possible. But beyond all of the ifs and maybes and could-have-beens resides the irrefutable truth that as Republicans engage in ideological debates, Democrats wage partisan warfare. As the congressional elections of 2002 approach and issues like Enron and economic stimulus are distorted beyond all relation to reality, the lessons of 2000 should be remembered. Republicans should stop bringing knives to political gunfights. And although they need not resort to the tactics of those across the aisle, if they want to make friends they should take Truman´s advice and "get a dog". Just be sure to check its party affiliation first.
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